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Full text of "The Katyn Forest Massacre : hearings before the Select Committee to Conduct an Investigation of the Facts, Evidence and Circumstances of the Katyn Forest Massacre, Eighty-second Congress, first[-second] session, on investigation of the murder of thousands of Polish officers in the Katyn Forest near Smolensk, Russia .."

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"^ PART 3 J^Cl-'T' ^j 

'^- (CHICAGO, ILL.) ^ 


MARCH 13 AND 14, 1952 

Printed for the use of the Select Committee To Conduct an Investigation 
of the Facts, Evidence, and Circumstances of the Katjm Forest Massacre 


1 ' 















MARCH 13 AND 14, 1952 

Printed for the use of the Select Committee To Conduct an Investigation 
of the Facts, Evidence, and Circumstances of the Katyn Forest Massacre 

93744 WASHINGTON : 1952 



RAY J. MADDEN, Indiana, Chairman 
DANIEL J. FLOOD, Pennsylvania GEORGE A. DONDERO, Michigan 

FOSTER FURCOLO, Massachusetts ALVIN E. O'KONSKI, Wisconsin 


John J. Mitchell, Chief Coutisel 




House Kesolution 390 223 

House Resolution 539 222 

Testimony of — 

Doe. John 36S 

Ershov, Vasili (through the interpreter, Bronislaw Mlynarski) 375 

Metelica, Mrs. Irena Hajcluk, Chicago, 111 335 

Miloslavich, Dr. Edward Lucas, St. Louis, Mo 310 

Mylnarski, Bronislaw, Los Angeles, Calif 340 

Skarzynski, Casimer, Calgary, Alberta, Canada 384, 397 

Srokowski, Mieczyslaw, Chicago, 111 358 

Szyuianski. Col. Henry I., United States Army, accompanied by Fred 

Korth, Deputy Counselor, Department of the Army 416 

Exhibits : 

1. Letter from Mr. Madden to Soviet Ambassador 223 

2. Letter from jNIr. Madden to Hon. Dean G. Acheson, Secretary of 

State 224 

3. Letter from Jack K. McFall, Assistant Secretary of State to Mr. 

Madden 224 

4. Memorandum from Soviet Embassy (translation and original) 

transmitting report of Special Commission for Ascertaining and 
Investigating Circumstances of Shooting of Polish Officer Pris- 
oners, Etc. (translation and original) 225-309 

5. Official German photo showing corpses of Polish Army officers 

stacked in uncovered graves in Katyn 316 

5A. List of Polish prisoners at Katyn 502 

6. Letter from Dr. Wl. Gorczycki, director, Polish Red Ci'oss, to Inter- 

national Red Cross War Prisoners Agency, Geneva _ 3S7 

7. Rei)ort of Polish Red Cross (translation) 397 

8. Report of Teclmical Commission, Polish Red Cross 406 

9. Letter from F. Shackelford, Counselor, Department of the Army, 

to Mr. Mitchell 422 

10. Letter from Lt. Col. Henry I. Szymanski to Maj. Gen. George 

V. Strong 426 

IDA. Letter from Lt. Col. Henry I. Szymanski to Maj. Gen. George 
V. Strong, transmitting reports of Katyn Affair turned over 
by General Andei'S of the Polish Army 426 

11. Report on Polish-Russian Relations by Lt. Col. Henry J. Szyman-ski 

to Chief, Military Intelligence Service 453 

12. Report on Polish Army in England and the Middle East by Lt. Col. 

Henry I. Szymanski 478 


• K9 us 





House of Representatives, 
The Select Committee on the Katyn Forest Massacre, 

Chicago, III. 

Tlie committee met, pursuant to call, at 10 : 15 a. m., room 247, United 
States Courthouse, Hon. Ray J. Macklen, chairman, presiding. 

Present : Representatives Madden, Flood, Machrowicz, Furcolo, 
O'Konski, and Sheehan. 

Also present : Representative Kluczynski : John J. Mitchell, chief 
counsel, and Roman Pucinski, investigator. 

Chairman Maddex. The committee will come to order. 

I might state at the opening that this series of hearings in Chicago 
is the third in a series of hearings held by this committee. This com- 
mittee was created by the Congress last September 18, to investigate 
the Katyn Forest massacre. 

I might introduce the members of the committee. On my right 
is Congressman Flood, of Pennsylvania. Next to Congressman Flood 
is Congressman Machrowicz, of Detroit, Mich. On my left is Con- 
gressman O'Konski, of Wisconsin, and on his left is Congressman 
Sheehan, of Chicago. 

Congressman Dondero, of Michigan was unable to be present at the 
Chicago hearings, and Congressman Furcolo, of Massachusetts, will 
be here later today for the hearings. 

I might further state that this is the first time in the history of 
Congress where a committee has been organized or authorized to in- 
vestigate an international crime committed beyond the borders of our 
own country. The committee has maintained since its opening hear- 
ings a firm desire to hear everyone, including representatives of any 
organization or the representatives of any na-tion, who has any factual 
testimony to offer which will contribute to the solution of the murder 
massacre of approximately 14,000 Polish officers and civilians in the 
Katyn Foi-est in the Smolensk area of Russia during the early phases 
of World War II. 

People have inquired or asked wdiy are these hearings being held at 
this late date. Let me say that the world in the future will wonder 
why an effort had not been made by some government or international 
autliority lonir ago. to officially determine the mass murderers. 

They ask "Why Katyn?''' There were mass murders, helpless peo- 
ple burned in ovens, wholesale tortures, and other kinds of killings 
of human beings by both Nazi dictators and Communist dictators. 
The Nuremberg trials were held. Some of the international criminals 
have received their penalties. This committee is trying to make an 
honest effort to assemble all the possible evidence in order that the 



responsibility for the Katyn killings can be placed where it rightly 

Our hearings are not anywhere near complete. We will have fur- 
ther hearings before the Congress finally adjourns, not only in this 
country but also we hope, across the ocean. Since our committee has 
been organized there have been a great number of letters and infor- 
mation regarding numerous witnesses, approximately 50 to 60, who 
want to testify regarding the Katyn massacres, in the London, Berlin, 
and Paris areas, and in other parts of the world. This committee has 
issued an invitation to the Eussian Government to testify and present 
any evidence about Katyn it may possess. That invitation, as most of 
you know, was rejected. Nevertheless our committee feels that at any 
time the Russian Government or the present Polish Communist Gov- 
ernment, or any other Nation has any evidence to offer to our com- 
mittee on solving these mass murders, they are welcome to testify. 

If any members of the committee have any statements to make, we 
would be glad to have them made at this time. If not, we will proceed 
with the first witness. 

At this time I will submit House Resolution 539 to be recorded in the 
record of this hearing. It is an amended copy of House Resolution 
390, Eighty-second Congress, first session. 

(H. R. 539 is as follows:) 

[H. Res. 539, 82d Cong., 2d sess.] 

Resolved, That the second, third, and fourth paragraphs of H. Res. 390, Eighty- 
second Congress, are amended to read as follows : 

"The committee is authorized and directed to conduct a full and complete 
investigation and study of the facts, evidence, and extenuating circumstances 
both before and after the massacre of thousands of Polish officers buried in mass 
graves in the Katyn Forest on the banks of the Dniei^er River in the vicinity 
of Smolensk, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, which was then a Nazi- 
occupied territory formerly having been occupied and under the control of the 
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. 

"Upon completing the necessary hearings, the committee shall report to the 
House of Representatives (or the Clerk of the House, if the House is not in 
session) before January 3, 19.53, the results of its investigation and study, to- 
gether with any recommendations which the committee shall deem advisable. 

"For the purpose of carrying out this resolution the committee, or any sub- 
committee thereof, is authorized to sit and act during the present Congress at 
such times and places within or outside the United States, whether the House is 
in session, has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold hearings, and to require, by 
subpena or otherwise, the attendance and testimony of such witnesses and the 
production of such books, records, correspondence, memoranda, papers, and 
documents as it deems necessary. Sulipenas may be issued under the signature 
of the chairman of the committee or any member of the committee designated by 
him, and may be served by any person designated by such chairman or member. 

Chairman Madden. I will ask counsel to submit further information 
for the record. 

Mr. Mitchell. Mr. Chairman, for the purpose of documentation I 
would like to put on the record and read in open session j'our letter 
which represents the committee's letter of invitation to the Soviet 
Government to testify. 

Chairman Madden. It will be accepted in the record. 

Mr. Mtt(;iiell. The letter is dated February 21, 1952, addressed to 
His Excellency, the Ambassador of the Union of Soviet Socialist 


Chairman Madden. The letter will be made part of the record. 
(The letter referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 1" and is as fol- 
lows :) 

House of REa>RESENTATivEs, United States, 
Select Committee To Investigate the Katyn Forest Massacre, 

Washington, D. C, Febi-uary 21, 1952. 
His Excellency the Ambassador of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. 

My Dear Mr. Ambassador : The House of Representatives of the United States 
of America on September IS, 1951, unanimously passed House Resolution 390 ; a 
copy of this resolution is attached for your information. 

This resolution authorizes and directs a committee of Congress to conduct a 
full and complete investigation and study of the facts, evidence, and extenuating 
circumstances both before and after the massacre of thousands of Polish ofl3cers 
buried in a mass grave in the Katyn Forest on the banks of the Dnieper in the 
vicinity of Smolensk, U. S. S. R. 

This official committee of the United States Congress resiiectfully invites the 
Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to submit any evidence, 
documents, and witnesses it may desire on or before May 1, 1952, pertaining to 
the Katyn Forest massacre. 

These hearings and the taking of testimony from witnesses are being conducted 
in accordance with the rules and regulations of the House of Representatives of 
the United States of America. 
Very truly yours, 

Ray J. Madden, Chairman. 

[H. Res. 390, 82d Cong., 1st sess.] 

Resolved, That there is hereby created a select committee to be composed of 
seven Members of the House of Representatives, appointed by the Speaker, one 
of whom he shall designate as chairman. Any vacancy occurring in the mem- 
bership of the committee shall be filled in the same manner in which the original 
appointment was made. 

The committee Ls authorized and directed to conduct a full and complete inves- 
tigation and study of the facts, evidence, and extenuating circumstances both 
before and after the massacre of thousands of Polish officers buried in a mass 
grave in the Katyn Forest on the banks of the Dnieper in the vicinity of Smo- 
lensk, which was then a Nazi-occupied territory formerly having been occupied 
and under the control of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. 

Upon completing the necessary hearings, the committee shall report to the 
House of Representatives (or the Clerk of tJie House, if the House is not in 
session) before the adjournment of the Eighty-second Congress the results of 
its investigation and its study, together with any recommendations which the 
committee shall deem advisable. 

For the purpose of carrying out this resolution the committee, or any sub- 
committee thereof iis authorized to sit and act during the present Congress at 
such times and places within the United States, whether the House is in session, 
has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold hearings, and to require, by subpena or 
otherwise, the attendance and testimony of such witnesses and the production 
of such books, records, correspondence, memoranda, papers, and documents as 
it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under the signature of the chairman 
of the committee or any member of the committee designated by him, and may 
be served by any person designated by such chairman or member. 

Mr. Mitchell. I would like to read your letter addressed to Mr. 
Acheson, Secretary of State. 

February 21, 1952. 
Hon. Dean G. Acheson. 

(^ccrrtary of Stat(. V,'ashin(jtoii. D. C. 
My Dear Mr. Secretary: On behalf of the Katyn Forest Massacre Com- 
mittee, it is requested that the attached note be delivered to the Ambassador 
of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. It is further requested that the 
committee be advised when the letter has been delivered. 
Sincerely yours, 

Ray J. Madden, M. C, Chairman. 


The Chairman. That will be made part of the record. 
(The letter referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 2," and is as 

February 21, 1952. 
Hon. Dean G. Acheson, 

Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. 
Mt Dear Mr. Secretary : On behalf of the Katyn Forest Massacre Ck)mmittee, 
it is requested that the attached note be delivered to the Ambassador of the 
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. It is further requested that the committee 
be advised when the letter has been delivered. 
Sincerely yours, 

Ray J. Madden, M. C, Chairman. 

Mr. Mitchell. I would like to read the letter dated February 25 to 
the Honorable Ray J. Madden from the Department of State. 

My Dear Mr. Chairman : Reference is made to your letter of February 21, 
1952, in which you request the Department to deliver a letter from the Select 
Committee To Investigate the Katyn Forest Massacre to the Ambassador of 
the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. 

The committee's letter was delivered to the Soviet Embassy at 2 : 21 p. m. 

Sincerely yours, 

Jack K. McFall, 
Assistant Secretary 
(For the Acting Secretary of State). 

Chairman Madden. This will be made a part of the record. 
(The letter referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 3" and is as 

Hon. Ray J. Madden, 

Chairman, Select Committee To Investigate the Katyn Forest Massacre, 
House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. 

Department of State, 
Washington, February 25, 1952. 
My Dear Mr. Chairman : Reference is made to your letter of February 21, 1952, 
in which you request the Department to deliver a letter from the Select Commit- 
tee To Investigate the Katyn Forest Massacre to the Ambassador of the Union 
of Soviet Socialist Republics. 

The committee's letter was delivered to the Soviet Embassy at 2 : 21 p. m. today. 
Sincerely yours. 

Jack K. McFaix, 
Assistant Sec7-ctary 
(For the Acting Secretary of State"). 

Mr. Mitchell. Mr. Chairman, I would like to read the memoran- 
dum from the U. S. S. R. to the Department of State, dated February 
20, 1952. This memorandum was in Russian, and it has been trans- 
lated by the Department of State. It states as follows : 

The Embassy is herewith returning Madden's letter transmitted by the Depart- 
ment of State with the text of the resolution of the House of Representatives of 
September 18, 1952, enclosed therewith, as violating the generally accepted rules 
of international relations and as an insult to the Soviet Unicm. The Embassy 
points out that — 

1. The question of the Katyn crime has been investigated in 1944 by an official 
commission and it was established that the Katyn case was the work of the 
Hitlerite criminals, as was made public in the press on January 20, 1944. 

2. For S years the Government of the United States of America did not raise 
any objections to such conclusion of the conunission, until very recently. 

In view of this, the Embassy considers it necessary to state that the raising of 
the question of the Katyn crime S years after the decision of the official com- 
mission can be solely for the purpose of slandering the Soviet Union and thus 
rehabilitating the generally recognized Hitlerite criminals. 

The above-mentioned report of the odicial conunission on the Katyn crime 
is enclosed herewith. 


Tliat meinoranduin was merely initialed when it w^as sent to the 
Department of State. The attachment was in Rnssian and consisted 
of a great number of pages which have been translated and are being 
made part of this record. This attachment, Mr. Chairman, is the 
document which was submitted by the Soviets at the Nuremburg trials 
in support of their allegation that Germans w'ere responsible for the 
Katyn massacre. Included in this exhibit, Mr. Chairman, are the two 
documents in their original Russian language. 

Chairman Madden. They will be accepted as part of the record. 

(The letters and' translation referred to were marked "Exhibit 
No. 4'" and are as follow :) 

Departmext of State Division of Language Services 


TO No. 48660 

[Seal of the U. S. S. R.] 
JV'o. 12 

The Embassy is herewith returning Madden's letter transmitted b.v the De- 
partment of State with the text of the resolution of the House of Representatives 
of September IS, 1951, enclosed therewith, as violating the generally accepted 
rules of international relations and as an insult to the Soviet Union. 
The Embassy points out that — 

1. The question of the Katyn crime had been investigated in 1944 by an 
offlcial commission, and it was established that the Katyn case was the worli of 
the Hitlerite criminals, as was made public in the press on January 26, 1944. 

2. For S years the Government of the United States of America did not raise 
any objections to such conclusion of the commission until very recently. 

In view of this, the Embassy considers it necessary to state that the raising 
of the question of the Katyn crime S years after the decision of the official 
commission can be solely for the purpose (»f slandering the Soviet Union and thus 
rehabilitating the generall.v recognized Hitlerite criminals. 

The above mentioned report of the official commission on the Katyn crime 
is enclosed herewith. 

Emhassy of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. 
(Initialed) A. P. 

Washington, February 29, 1952. 

I hereby certify that the foregoing translation bearing TC No. 4S660 was pre- 
pared by the Division of Language Services of the Department of State and 
that it is a true and correct translation to the best of my knowledge and belief. 

John W. Perkins, 
Chief, General Section, 
Division of Language Services. 
Majjch 19, 1952. 


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JIepobt of Special Coaimission for Ascertaining and Investigating the Cir- 
cumstances OF THE Shooting of Polish Officer Prisoners by the German- 
Fascist Invaders in the Katyn Forest 

The Special Commission for Ascertaining and Investigating tlie Circumstances 
of tlie Shooting of Polish Officer Prisoners hy the German-Fascist Invaders in 
the Katyn Forest (near Smolensk) was set up on the decision of the Extraordi- 
nary State Committee for Ascertaining and Investigating Crimes Committed by 
the German-Fascist Invaders and Their Associates. 

The Commission consists of Academician N. N. Burdenko, member of the Extra- 
■ordinary State Committee (chairman of the Commission) ; Academician Alexei 
Tolstoy, member of the Extraordinary State Committee ; Metropolitan Nikolai, 
member of the Extraordinary State Committee ; Lt. Gen. A. S. Gniidorov, president 
of the All-Slav Committee; S. A. Kolesnikov, chairman of the executive com- 
mittee of the Union of the Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies. Acadamician V. 
P. Potemkin, People's Commissar of Educati«m of the Russian SB^SR; Col. Gen. 
E. I. Smirnov, Chief of the Central Medical Administration of the Red Army ; 
P. E. Melnilvov, chairman of the Smolensk Regional Executive Conunittee. 

To accomplish the taslc assigned to it the Commission invited the foUowing 
medico-legal experts to take part in its work : V. I. Prozorovsky, chief medico- 
legal expert of the People's Commissariat of Health Protection of the U. S. S. R.. 
director of scientific research in the Institute of Forensic INIedicine : Doctor of 
Medicine V. M. Smolyaninov, head of the faculty of forensic medicine of the 
Second Moscow Medical Institute ; P. S. Semenoysky and Decent M. D. Shvaikova, 
senior staff scientists of the State Scientific Research Instiute of Forensic 
Medicine under the People's Commissariat of Health of the U. S. S. R. ; and 
Prof. D. N. Voropayev, chief pathologist of tlie front, major of Medical Service. 

The special Commission had at its disposal extensive material presented by the 
member of the Extraordinary State Committee Academician N. N. Burdenko, his 
collaborators, and the medico-legal experts who arrived in Smolensk on Septem- 
ber 26, 1943, immediately upon its liI)eration, and carried out preliminary study 
and investigation of the circumstances of all the crimes perpetrated by the 

Tlie special Commission verified and ascertained on the spot that ir> kilo- 
meters from Smolensk, along the Vitebsk highway, in the section of the Katyn 
Forest named Kozy Gory, 20(1 meters to the southwest of the highway in the 
direction of the Dnieper, there are graves in which Polish war prisioners shot 
by the German occupationists were buried. 

On the order of the special Commission, and in the presence of all its mem- 
bers and of the medico-legal experts, the graves were excavated. A large number 
of bodies clad in Polish military uniform were found in the graves. The total 
number of bodies, as calculated by the medico-legal experts, is 11,000. The 
medico-legal experts made detailed examinations of the exhumed bodies and of 
documents and material evidence discovered on the bodies and in the graves. 

Simultaneousl.v with the excavation of the graves an examination of the 
bodies, the special Commission examined numerous witnesses among local 
residents, whose testimony establishes with precision the time and circumstances 
of the crimes committed by the German occupationists. 

The testimony of witnesses reveals the following : 

the katyn forest 

The Katyn Forest had for a long time been the favorite resort of Smolensk 
people, where they used to rest on holidays. The population of the neighborhood 
grazed cattle and gathered fuel in the Katyn Forest. Access to the Katyn Forest 
was not banned or restricted in any way. This situation prevailed in the 
Katyn Forest up to the outbreak of war. Even in the summer of 1941 there was 
a Y(mng Pioneers' Camp of the Industrial Insurance Board in this forest, which 
was not disbanded until July 1941. 

An entirely different regime was instituted in the Katyn Forest after the cai> 
ture of Smolensk by the Germans. The forest was heavily patrolled. Notices 
appcnared in many places warning that persons entering without special passes 
would be shot on the spot. 

The part of the Katyn Forest named Kozy Gory was guarded particularly 
strictl.v, as was the area on the bank of the Dnieper, where 700 meters from the 
graves of the Polish war prisoners there was a country house — the rest home 
of the Smolensk Administration of the People's Commissariat of Internal 


Affairs. AThen the Germans arrived this coiinfry house was talven over by a 
German institution named Headquarters of tlie Five Hundred and Thirty-seventh 
F]ns"ineering Battalion. 


The Special Commission established that, befoi'e the capture of Smolensk by 
the Germans, Polish war prisoners, officers and men, woriced in tlie western, 
district of the region, building and repairing roads. These war prisoners were 
(luartered in three special camps named : Camp No. 1 O. N., Camp No. 2 O. N., 
and Camp Xo. 3 O. X^. These camps were located 25 to 45 kilometers west of 

The testimony of witnesses and documentary evidence establish that after the 
outbreak of hostilities, in view of tlie situation that arose, the camps could not 
be evacuated in time and all the Polish war prisoners, as well as some members 
of the guard and staffs of the camps, fell prisoner to the Germans. 

The former Chief of Camp No. 1 O. N., Major of State Security V. M. Vet- 
oshnikov, interrogated by the Si>ecial Commission, testified : "I was waiting for 
the order on the removal of the camp, but communication with Smolensk was 
cut. Then I myself with several staff members went to to clarify the 
situation. In Smolensk I found a tense situation. I applied to the cliief of 
traffic of the Smolensk section of tlie Western Railway, Ivanov, asking him to 
provide the camp with railway cars for the evacuation of the Polish war prison- 
ers. But Ivanov answered that I could not count on receiving cars. I also tried 
t(» get in touch with Moscow to obtain permission to set out on foot, but I failed. 

By this time Smolensk was already cut off from the camp by the Germans, and 
I do not know what happened to the Polish war prisoners and guards who' re- 
mained in the camp." 

Engineer S. V. Ivanov. wlio in July 1941 was acting Chief of TraflSc of the 
Smolensk section of the Western Railway, testified before the Special Commis- 
sion : "The Administration of Polish War Prisoners' Camps applied to my office 
for cars for evacuation of the Poles, but we had none to spare. Besides, we 
could not send cars to the Gussino line, where the majority of the Polish war 
prisoners were, since that line was already under fire. Therefore, we could not 
comply with the recinest of the camps' administration. Thus the Polish war 
prisoners remained in Smolensk region." 

The presence of the Polish war prisoners in the camps in Smolensk region 
is confirmed by the testimony of numerous witnesses who saw these Po'es near 
Smolensk in the early months of the occupation up to September 1!I41 inclusive. 

Witness Maria Alexandrovna Sashneva, elementary schoolteacher in the vil- 
lage of Zenkovo, told the Special Commission that in August 1941 she gave 
shelter in her house in Zenlvovo to a Polish war prisoner who had escaped from 

"The Pole wore Polish military uniform, which I recognized at once, as during 
194(1 and 1941 I used to see groups of Polish war prisoners working on the road 
under guard. * * * j took an interest in the Pole because it turned out 
tliat, before being called up, he had been an elementary schoolteacher in I\)land. 
Since I had graduated from a pedagogical institute and was preparing to be a 
teacher, I started to talk with him. He told me that he had completed normal 
school in Poland and then studied at some military scliool and was a junior 
lieutenant of the reserve. At the outbreak of war between Poland and Germany 
he was called up and served in Brest-Litovsk, where he was taken prisoner by 
Red Army units. * * * j^p spent over a year in the camp near Smolensk. 

"When the Germans arrived they seized the Polish camp and instituted a strict 
regime in it. The Germans did not I'egard the Poles as human beings. They 
oppressed and outraged them in every way. On some occasions Poles were shot 
without any reason at all. He decided to escape. Speaking of himself, he said 
that his wife, too, was a teacher and that he had two brothers and two 
sisters. * * *" 

On leaving next day the Pole gave his surname, which Sashneva put down in 
a book. In this book. Practical Studies in X'atural History, by Yagodovsky, 
which Saslineva lianded to the Special Commission, there is a note on the last 
page : "Juzeph and Sofia Loek. House 25, Ogorodnaya St., town, Zamostye." 
In the lists published by the Germans, under Xo. H79G, Lt. Juzepli Loek is put 
down as having been sliot at Kozy Gory in the Katyn Forest in the spring of 


Thus, from the German report, it would appear that Juzeph Loek had been 
shot 1 year before the witness Haslmeva saw liim. 

The witness, N. V. Danilenlvov, a farmer of tlie Krasnaya Zarya collective farm 
of the Katyn Rural Soviet stated : "In August and September 1041 when the 
Germans arrived, I used to meet Poles working on the roads in groups of 15 
to 20." 

Similar statements were made by the following witnesses : Soldatenkov, former 
headman of the Village of Borok : A. S. Kolachev, a Smolensk doctor ; A. P. 
Ogloblin, a priest ; T. I. Sergeyev, track foreman ; P. A. Smiryagin, engineer ; 
A. M. Moskovskaya, resident of Smolensk ; A. M. Alexeyev, chairman of a col- 
lective farm in tlie village of Borok; I. V. Kutseyev, waterworks technician: 
V. P. Gorodetsky, a priest; A. T. Bazekina, a bookkeeper; E. N. Vetrova, a 
teacher ; I. V. Savvateyev, station master at the (inezdovo station, and others. 


The presence of Polish war prisoners in the autumn of 1941 in Smolensk dis- 
tricts is also confirmed by the fact that the Germans made numerous round-ups 
of those war prisoners who had escaped from the camps. 

Witness I. M. Kartoshkin, a carpenter, testified : '"In the autumn of 1941 the 
Germans not only scoured the forests for Polish war prisoners, but also used 
police to make night searches in the villages." 

M. D. Zakharov, former headman of the village of Novye Bateki, testified that 
in the autumn of 1941 the Germans intensively combed the villages and forests 
in search of Polish war prisoners. 

Witness N. V. Danilenkov, a farmer of the Krasnaya Zarya collective farm, 
testified : "Si>ecial round-ups were held in our place to catch Polish war prison- 
ers who had e.scaped. Some searches took place in my house two or three times. 
After one such search I asked the headman. Konstantin Sergeyev. whom they 
were looking for in our village. Sergeyev said that an order had been received 
from the German Kommandautur according to which searches were to be made 
in all houses without exception, since Polish war prisoners who had escaped 
from the camp were hiding in our village. After some time the searches were 

The witness collective farmer T. E. Fatkov testified : "Ilound-ups and searches 
for Polish war prisoners took place several times. That was in August and Sep- 
tember 1941. After September 1941 the round-ups were discontinued and no 
one saw Polish war prisoners any more." 


The above-mentioned Headquarters of the Five Hundred and Thirty-seventh 
Engineering Battalion quartered in the country house at Kozy Gory did not en- 
gage in any engineering work. Its activities were a closely guarded secret. 
What this headquarters engaged In. in reality, was revealed by numerous wit- 
nesses, including A. M. Alexeyeva, O. A. Mikhailova. and Z. P. Konakhovskaya, 
residents of the village of Borok of the Katyn Rural Soviet. 

On the order of the German Commandant of the settlement of Katyn, they 
were detailed by the headman of the village of Borok, V. I. Soldatenkov, to serve 
the personnel of headquarters at the above-mentioned country house. 

On ari-ival in Kozy Gory they were told through an interpreter about a number 
of restrictions: they were absolutely forbidden to go far from the C(nintry house 
or to go to the forest, to enter rooms without being called and without being 
escorted by German soldiers, to remain on tlie grounds of the country house at 
night. They were allowed to come to woi'k and leave after work only by a definite 
route and only when escorted by soldiei-s. 

This warning was given to Alexeyeva, Mikhailova, ;ind Konakhovskaya, 
through an interpreter, ijersonally by the Chief of the (Jerman Institution, 
Oberstleutnant [Lt. Col.] Arnes, who f<n- this purpose sununoned them one at 
a time. 

As to the personnel of the headquarters, A. M. Alexeyeva testified : 

"In the Kozy Gory country house there were always about .".(> Germans. Their 
clii(>f was liieutenant Colonel Arnes, and his aide was First Lieiitenanl Rekst. 
Here were also a Second Lieutenant llott ; Sergeant INIaJor Lumert ; nonconmiis- 
si(med officer in cliarge of supplies Rose; his assistant Isikes : Sergeant Major 
Grenewski, who was in charge of the power station ; the phofograplier, a <-ori>oral 
whose name I do not remember; the interpreter, a Volga German whose nanv.' 


seems to have been Joliauu, but I called him Ivan : the cook, a German named 
Gustav ; and a number of others whose njimes and surnames I do not know." 

Soon after beginning their work Alexeyeva, Mikhailova, and Konakhovskaya 
)>egan to notice that "'something shady" was going on at the country house. 

A. M. Alexeyeva testified : 

"The interpreter Johann warned us several times on bebalf of Arnes that 
we were to hold our tongues and not chatter about what we saw and heard at 
rhe country house. 

"Besides, I guessed from a number of signs that the Germans were engaged 
in some shady doings at this country house. * * * 

"At the close of August and during most of September 1941 several trucks 
used to come practically every day to the Kozy Gory country house. 

"At first I paid no attention to that, but later I noticed that each time these 
trucks arrived at the grounds of the country house they stopped for half an 
hour, and sometimes for a whole hour, somewhere on the country road connect- 
ing the country house with the highway. 

"I drew this conclusion because some time after these trucks reached the 
grounds of the country house the noise they made would cease. Simultane- 
'lusly with the noise stopping, single shots would be heard. The shots followed 
one another at short but approximately even intervals. Then the shooting 
would die down and the trucks would drive up right to the country house. 

"German soldiers and noncommissioned officers came out of the trucks. 
Talking noisily they went to wash in the bathhouse, after which they engaged in 
drunken orgies. On those days a fire was always kept burning in the bathhouse 

"On days when the trucks arrived more soldiers from some German military 
units used to arrive at the country house. Special beds were put up for them 
in the soldiers' casino set up in one of the halls of the country house. On those 
days many meals were cooked in the kitchen and a double ration of drinks was 
served with the meals. 

"Shortly before the trucks reached the country house armed soldiers went 
to the forest, evidently to the spot where the trucks stopped, because in half 
an hour or an hour they returned in these trucks, together with the soldiers 
who lived i>ermanently in the country house. 

"Probably I would not have v^atched or noticed how the noise of the trucks 
coming to the country house used to die down and then rise again were it not 
for the fact that whenever the trucks arrived we (Konakhovskaya, Milhailova, 
and myself) were driven to the kitchen if we happened to be in the courtyard 
near the house ; and they would not let us out of the kitchen if we happened to be 
in it. 

"There was also the fact that on several occasions I noticed stains of fresh 
blood on the clothes of two lance corporals. All this made me pay close at- 
tention to what was going on at the country house. Then I noticed strange 
intervals in the movement of the trucks and their pauses in the forest. I also 
noticed that bloodstains appeared on the clothes of the same two men — the lance 
corporals. One of them was tall and red-headed, the other of medium height 
and fair. 

"From all this I inferred that the Germans brought people in the truck to 
the country house and shot them. I even guessed approximately where this 
took place as, when coming to and leaving the country house, I noticed freshly 
thrown-up earth in several places near the road. The area of this freshly 
thrown-up earth increased in length every day. In the course of time the earth 
in these spots began to look normal." 

In answer to a question put by the Special Commission — what kind of people 
wer^e shot m the forest near the country house — Alexeyeva replied that they 
weve Polish war prisoners, and in confirmation of her words, stated : 

"There were days when no trucks arrived at the country house, but even s* 
soldiers left the house for the forest from wliich came frequent single shots. On 
returning the soldiers always took a bath and then drank. 

"Another thing happened. Once I stayed at the country house somewhat 
later than usual. Mikhailova and Konakhovskaya had alread.v left. Before 
I finished the work which had kept me there, a soldier suddenly entered and 
told me I could go. He referred to Rose's order. He also accompanied me to 
the highway. 

"On the highway 1.50 or 200 meters from where the road branches ofi' to the 
country house I .saw a group of about 80 Polish war prisoners marching along 
the liighway under heavy German escort. 


"I knew them to be Poles because even hefoi-e the wai-, and for some time after 
the Germans came, I used to meet Polish war prisoners on the highway wearing 
the same uniform with their characteristic four-cornered hats. 

"I halted near the roadside to see where they were being led, and I saw that 
tliey turned toward our country house at Kozy Gory. 

"Since by that time I had begun to watch closely everything going on at the 
country house, I became interested in this situation. I went back some distance 
along the highway, hid in bushes near the roadside, and waited. In some 20 or 30 
minutes I heard the familiar, characteristic single shots. 

"Then everytliing became clear to me and I hurried home. 

"I also concluded that evidently the Germans were shooting Poles not only in 
the daytime wlien we worked at the country house, but also at night in our 
absence. I understood this also from recalling the occasions when all the 
ofl3eers and men who lived in the country house, with the exception of the 
sentries, woke up late, about noon. 

"On several occasions we guessed about the arrival of the I'oles in Kozy Gory 
from the tense atmosphere that descended on the country house * * * 

"All the officers left the country house and only a few sentries remained in 
it, while the sergeant major kept checking up on the sentries over the tele- 
phone. * * *" 

O. A. Mikhailova testified: "In September 1!)41 shooting was heard very often, 
in the Kozy Gory Forest. At first I took no notice of the trucks which arrived at 
our country house, which were closed at the sides and on top and painted green. 
They used to drive up to our country house always accompanied by noncom- 
missioned officers. Then I noticed that these trucks never entered our garage,, 
and also that they were never unloaded. They used to come very often, especially 
in September 1941." 

"Among the noncommissioned officers who ;ilways sat with the drivers I began 
to notice one tall one with a pale face and red hair. When these trucks drove- 
up to the country house, all the noncommissioned officers, as if at a command, went 
to the bathhouse and bathed for a long time, after which they drank heavily 
in the country house. 

"Once this tall red-headed German got down from the truck, went to the- 
kitchen and asked for water. When he was drinking the water out of a glass 
I noticed blood on the cuff of the right sleeve of his unifcu'm."' 

O. A. Mikhailova and Z. P. Konakiiovskaya witnessed the shooting of two 
Polish war prisoners who had evidently escaped from the Germans and had 
been caught. 

Mikhailova testified : 

"Once Konakiiovskaya and I were at our usual work in the kitchen when we 
heard a noise near the country house. On coming out we saw two Polish war 
prisoners surrounded by German soldiers who were explaining something to Non- 
commissioned Officer Rose. Then Lieutenant Colonel Arnes came over to them 
and told Rose something. We hid some distance away, as we were afraid that 
Rose would beat us up for being inquisitive. We were discovered, however, and 
at a signal from Rose the mechanic Grenewski drove us into the kitchen and the- 
Poles away from the country house. A few miiuites later we heard sliots. The 
German soldiers and Noncommissioned Officer Rose, who soon returned, were en- 
gaged in animated conversation. Wanting to find out what the (Tormans had done 
to the detained Poles, Konakiiovskaya and I came out again. Arnes' aide, who. 
came out simultaneously with us from the main entrance of the country house, 
asked Rose something in German, to which the latter answered, also in German, 
"Everything is in order." We understood these words because the Germans often 
used them in their conversation. From all that took place 1 concluded that these 
two Poles had been shot." 

Similar testimony was given by Z. 1'. Konakhovskaya. 

Frightened by the happenings at the country house, Alexeyeva, IMikhailova, 
and Konakhovskaya decided to quit work there on some convenient pretext. 
Taking advantage of the reduction of their wages from 9 to 3 marks a month at ' 
the i)eginning of January 1942, on Mikhaih)va's suggestion tiiey did not report 
for work. In the evening of the same day a car come to fetch them, they were 
bronglit to the country house and locked up in a cell by way of punishment — 
Mikhailova for S days and Alexeyeva and Konakhovskaya for :', days each. 

-Nfter they had served tlH'lr terms all of them were discharged. 

While working at the country house Alexeyeva, Mikhailova, and Konakhov- 
skaya had been afraid to speak to each other about what they had observed of 


the happenings there. Only after they were arrested, sitting in the cell at night, 
did they share their knowledge. 

At the interrogation on December 24, 1943, Mikhailova testified : 
"Here for the first time we talked frankly about the happenings at the country 
house. I told all I knew. It turned out that Konakhovskaya and Alexeyeva 
also knew all these fact^ but, like myself, had been afraid to discuss them. I 
learned from them that it was Polish war prisoners the Germans were shooting 
at Kozy Gory, since Alexeyeva said that once in the autumn of 1941, when she 
was going home after work, she saw the Germans driving a large group of 
Polish war prisoners into Kozy Gory Forest and then she heard shooting." 
Similar testimony was given by Alexeyeva and Konakhovskaya. 
(On comparing notes Alexeyeva, Mikhailova, and Konakhovskaya arrived at 
the firm conviction that in August and September 1941 the Germans had engaged 
in mass shootings of Polish war prisoners at the country house iu Kozy Gory. 
The testimony of Alexeyeva is confirmed by the testimony of her father, 
Mikhail Alexeyev, whom she told as far back as in tht> autunm of 1941, during her 
work at the country house, about her observations of the Germans' activities at 
the country house. "For a long time she would not tell me anything." Mikhail 
Alexeyev testified. "Only on coming home she complained that she was afraid to 
work at the country house and did not know how to get away. When I asked her 
why she was afraid she said that very often shooting was heard in the forest. Once 
she told me in secret that in Kozy Gory Forest the Germans were shooting Poles. 
I listened to my daughter and warned her very strictly that she should not tell 
anyone else about it, as otherwise the Germans would learn and then our whole 
family would suffer." 

That Polish war prisoners used to be brought to Kozy Gory in small groups of 
20 to 30 men escorted by five to seven German soldiers, was also testified to by 
other witnesses interrogated by the Special Commission : P. G. Kisselev, peasant 
of Kozy Gory hamlet: M. G. Krivozertsev, carpenter of Krasny Bor station in the 
Katyii ^^-•!•cst: S S. Ivanov, f rnier station master at Gnezdo o in tlif Katyu 
Forest area ; I. V. Savvateyev, station nuistt r on duty at the same station ; M. A. 
Alexeyev, chairman of a collective farm in the village of Borok ; A. P. Ogloblin, 
priest of Kuprino Church, and others. 

These witnesses also heard shots in the forest at Kozy Gory. 
Of especially great importance in ascertaining what took place at Kozy Gory 
country house in the autumn of 1941 is the testimony of Professor of Astronomy 
B. V. Bazilevsky, director of the Smolensk Observatory. 

In the early days of the occupation of Smolensk by the Germans, Professor 
Bazilevsky was forcibly appointed assistant burgomaster, while to the post of 
burgomaster they appointed the lawyer. B. G. Menshagin, who subsequently left 
together with them, a traitor who enjoyed the special confidence of the German 
command and in particular of the Smolensk Commandant von Schwetz. 

Early in September 1941 Bazilevsky addressed to Menshagin a request to solicit 
the Commandant von Schwetz for the liberation of the teacher Zhiglinsky from 
war prisoners' camp No. 126. In compliance with this request Menshagin ap- 
proached von Schwetz and then informed Bazilevsky that his request could not 
be granted since, according to von Schwetz, "instructions had been received from 
Berlin prescribing that the strictest regime be maintained undeviatingly with 
regard to war prisoners without any easing up on this matter. 

"I involimtarily retorted," witness Bazilevsky testified, " 'Can anything be 
stricter than the regime existing in the camp?' Menshagin looked at me in a 
strange way and bending to my ear, answered in a low voice : 'Yes, there can be. 
The Russians can at least be left to die off, but as to the Polish war prisoners, the 
orders say that they are to be simply exterminated.' 
" 'How is that? How should it be understood?' I exclaimed. 
" 'This should be understood literally. There is such a directive from Berlin," 
answered Menshagin, and asked me 'for the sake of all that is holy' not to tell 
anyone about this. * * * 

"About a fortnight after this conversation with Menshagin, when I was again 
received by him, I could not keep from asking: 'What news about the Poles?" 
Menshagin paused for a moment, but then aswered : 'Everything is over with 
them. "Von Schwetz told me that they had been shot somewhere near Smolensk.' 
"Seeing my bewilderment Menshagin warned me again about the necessity of 
keeping this affair in the strictest secrecy and then started 'explaining' to me 
the Germans' policy in this matter. He told me that the shooting of Poles was 
one link in the general chain of anti-Polish policy pursued by Germany, which 

93744 — 52 — pt. 3 2 


became especially marked in connection with the conclusion of the Russo-Polish 

Bazilevsky also told the Special Commission about his conversation with 
Hirschfeld, the Sonderfuehrer of the Seventh Department of the German Com- 
mandant's Office, a Baltic German who spoke good Russian : 

"With cynical frankness Hirschfeld told nie that. the harmfulness and in- 
feriority of the Poles had been proved by history and therefore reduction of 
Poland's population would fertilize the soil and make possible an extension of 
Germany's living space. In this connection Hirschfeld boasted that absolutely 
no intellectuals had been left in Poland, as they had all been hauged, shot, or 
confined in camps." 

Bazilevsky's testimony is confirmed by the witness I. E. Yefimov, professor of 
physics, who has been interrogated by the Special Commission and whom Bazil- 
evsky at that time, in the autumn of 1941, told about his conversation with 

Documentary corroboration of Bazilevsky's and Yefimov's testimony is supplied 
by notes made by Menshagin in his own hand in his notebook. 

This notebook, containing 17 incomplete pages, was found in the files of the 
Smolensk Municipal Board after the liberation of Smolensk by the Red Army. 

Menshagiu's ownership of the notebook and his handwriting have been con- 
firmed both by Bazilevsky, who knew Menshagin's hand well, and by expert 

Judging by the dates in the notebook, its contents relate to the i>eriod from 
early August 1941 to November of the same year. 

Among the various notes on economic matters (on fii'ewood, electric power, 
trade, etc.) there are a number of notes made by Menshagin evidently as a 
reminder of instructions issued by the German commandant's office in Smolensk. 

These notes reveal with sufficient clarity tlie range of problems with which 
the Municipal Board dealt as the organ fulfilling all the instructions of the 
German command. 

The first three pages of the notebook lay down in detail the procedure in 
organizing the Jewish "ghetto" and the system of reprisals to be applied against 
the Jews. 

Page 10, dated August 15, 1941, contains the following note : 

"All fugitive Polish war prisoners are to be detained and delivered to the 
commandant's office." 

Page 15 (undated) contains the entry: "Are there any rumors among the pop- 
ulation concerning the shooting of Polish war prisoners in Kozy Gory (for 

It transpires from the initial entry, firstly, that on August 15, 1941, Polish 
war prisoners were still in the Smolensk area and, secondly, that they were being 
arrested by the German authorities. 

The second entry indicates that the German command, worried by the pos- 
sibility of rumors circulating among the civilian population about the crime it 
had committed, issued special instructions for the purpose of checking this 

Umnov, mentioned in this entry, was the chief of the Russian police in Smolensk 
during the early months of its occupation, 


In the winter of 1942-43 the general military situation changed sharply to the 
disadvantage of the Germans. The military power of the Soviet Union was 
continually gi-owing stronger. The unity between the U. S. S. R. and her allies 
was growing in strength. The Germans resolved to launch a provocation, using 
for this purpose the atrocities they had committed in the Katyn Forest, and 
ascribing them to the organs of the Soviet authorities. In this way they intended 
to set the Russians and Poles at loggerheads and to cover up the traces of their 
own crimes. 

A priest, A. P. Ogloblin, of the village of Kuprino in the Smolensk district, 
testified : 

"After the events at Stalingrad, when the Germans began to feel uncertain, 
they launched this business. The people started to say that 'the Germans are 
trying to mend their affairs.' 

"Having embarked on the preparation of the Katyn provocation, the Germans 
first set about looking for 'witnesses' who would, under the influence of per- 
suasion, bribes, or threats, give the testimony which the Germans needed. 


"The atteution of the Germans was attracted to the peasant Parfen Gavrilovich 
Kisselev, born in 1870, who lived in the hamlet nearest to the country house 
in Kozy Gory." 

Kisselev was summoned to the Gestapo at the close of 1942. Under the threat 
of reprisals, they demanded of him fictitious testimony alleging that he knew 
tliat in the spring of 1940 the Bolsheviks shot Polish war prisoners at the 
country house of the administration of the People's Commissariat' of Internal 
Affairs in Kozy Gory. 

Kisselev testified before the commission : 

"In the autumn of 1942 two policemen came to my house and ordered me to 
report to the Gestapo at Gnezdovo station. On that same day I went to the 
Gestapo, which had its premises in a two-story house next to the railway station. 
In a room I entered there were a German officer and interpreter. The German 
officer started asking me through the interpreter how long I had lived in that 
district, what my occupation and my material circumstances were. 

"I told him that I had lived in the hamlet in the area of Kozy Gory since 1907 
and worked on my farm. As to my material circumstances, I said that I had 
experienced some difficulties since I was old and my sons were in the war. 

"After a brief conver.sation on this subject, the officer stated that, according 
to information at the disposal of the Gestapo, in 1940, in the area of Kozy 
Gory in tlie Katyn Forest, staff members of the People's Commissariat of In- 
ternal Affairs shot Polish officers, and he asked me what testimony I could give 
on this score. I answered that I had never heard of the People's Commissariat 
of Internal Affairs shooting people at Kozy Gory, and that anyhow it was im- 
possible, I explained to the officer, since Kozy Gory is an absolutely open and 
much frequented place, and if shootings had gone on there the entire population 
of the neighboring villages would have known. 

"The officpr told me I must nevertheless give such evidence, because he alleged 
the shootings did take place. I was promised a big reward for this testimony. 

"I told the officer again that I did not know anything about shootings, and 
that notliiiig of the sort could have taken place in our locality before the war. 
In spite of tliis, the officer persistently insisted on my giving false evidence. 

"After the first conversation about which I have already spoken, I was 
summoned again to the Gestapo only in February 1943. By that time I knew 
that other residents of neighboring villages had also been summoned to the 
Gestapo and that the same testimony they demanded of me had also been 
demanded of them. 

"At the Gestapo the same officer and interpreter who had interrogated me 
the first time again demanded of me evidence that I had witnessed the shooting 
of Polish officers, allegedly carried out by the People's Commissariat of Internal 
Affairs in 1940. I again told the Gestapo officer that this was a lie, as before 
the war I had not heard anything about any shootings, and that I would not 
give false evidence. The interi}reter, however, would not listen to me, but 
took a handwritten document from the desk and read it to me. It said that I, 
Kisselev, resident of a hamlet in the Kozy Gory area, personally witnessed the 
shooting of Polish officers by staff members of the People's Commissariat of 
Internal Affairs in 1940. 

"Having read this document, the interpreter told me to sign it. I refused to 
do so. The interpreter began to force me to do it by abuse and threats. Finally 
he shouted : 'Either you sign it at once or we shall destroy you. Make your 

"Frightened by these threats, I signed the document and thought that would 
be the end of the matter." 

Later, after the Germans had arranged visits to the Katyn graves by various 
"delegations," Kisselev was forced to speak before a "Polish delegation" which 
arrived there. 

Kisselev forgot the contents of the protocol he had signed at the Gestapo, got 
mixed up, and finally refused to speak. 

The Gestapo tlien arrested Kisselev. and by ruthless beatings, in the course of 
6 weeks again obtained his consent to make "public speeches." 

In this connection Kisselev stated : 

"In reality things went quite a different way. 

"In the spring of 1943 the Germans announced that in the Kozy Gory area in 
Katyn Forest they had discovered the graves of Polish officers allegedly shot in 
1940 by organs of the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs. 

"Soon after that the Gestapo interpreter came to my house and took me to the 
forest in the Kozy Gory area. 


"When we had left the house and were alone together, the interpreter warned 
me that I must tell the people present in the forest everything exactly as it was 
written down in the document I had signed at the Gestapo. 

"When I came into the forest I saw open graves and a group of strangers. The 
interpreter told me that these were 'Polish delegates' who had arrived to inspect 
the graves. 

"When we approached the graves the 'delegates' started asking me various 
questions in Russian in connection with the shooting of the Poles, but as more 
than a month had passed since I had been summoned to the Gestapo I forgot 
everything that was in the document I had signed, got mixed up, and finally said 
I did not know anything about the shooting of the Polish oflBcers. 

"The German officer got very angry. The interpreter roughly dragged me away 
from the 'delegation' and chased me off. 

"The next morning a car with a Gestapo ofiicer drove up to my house. He found 
me in the yard, told me that I was under arrest, put me into the car and took 
me to Smolensk Prison. * * * 

"After my arrest I was interrogated many times, but they heat me more than 
they questioned me. The first time they summoned me they beat and abused me 
mercilessly, stating that I had let them down, and then sent me hack to the cell. 

"The next time I was summoned they told me I had to state publicly that I had 
witnessed the shooting of Polish officers by the Bolsheviks, and that until the 
Gestapo was convinced that I would do this in good faith I would not be re- 
leased from prison. I told the officer that I would rather sit in prison than tell 
people lies to their faces. After that I was badly beaten up. 

"There were several such interrogations accompanied by beatings, and as a 
result I lost all my strength, my hearing became poor and I could not move my 
right arm. 

"About 1 month after my arrest a German oflacer summoned me and said : 'You 
see the consequences of your obstinacy, Kisselev. We have decided to execute 
you. In the morning we shall take you to Katyn Forest and hang you.' I asked 
the officer not to do this, and tried to convince him that I was not fit for the part 
of 'eyewitness' of the shooting as I did not know how to tell lies and therefore 
1 would mix everything up again. The officer continued to insist. Several min- 
utes later soldiers came into the room and started beating me with rubber clubs. 

"Being unable to stand the beatings and torture. I agreed to appear publicly 
with a fallacious tale about the shooting of the Poles by the Bolsheviks. After 
that I was released from prison on condition that at the first demand of the 
Germans I would speak before 'delegations' in Katyn Forest. * * * 

"On every occa.sion, before leading me to the open graves in the forest, the 
interpreter used to come to my house, call me out into the yard, take me aside to 
make sure that no one would hear, and for half an hour make me memorize by 
heart everything I would have to say about the alleged shooting of Polish officers 
by the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs in 1940. 

"I recall that the interpreter told me something like this : 'I live in a cottage 
in Kozy Gory area not far from the country house of the People's Commissariat 
of Internal Affairs. In the spring of 1040, I saw Poles taken to the forest on 
various nights and shot there.' And then it was imperative that I must state 
literally that 'this was the doing of the People's Commissariat of Internal 

"After I had memorized what the interpreter told me, he would take me to the 
open graves In the forest and compel me to repeat all this in the presence of 
'delegations' which came there. My statements were strictly supervised and 
directed by the Gestapo interpreter. 

"Once when I spoke before some 'delegation' I was asked tlie question : 'Did you 
personally see these Poles l)efore they were shot by the liolsheviksV 1 was not 
prepared for such a question and answered the way it was in fact, i. e., that I saw 
Polish war prisoners before the war, as they worked on the roads. Then the 
interpreter roughly dragged me aside and drove me home. 

"Please believe me when I say that all the time I felt pangs of conscience, as 
1 knew that in reality the Polish officers had been shot by the Germans in 1941. 
I had no other choice, as I was constantly threatened with the repetition of my 
arrest and torture." 

P. G. Kisselev's testlmcmy regarding his summons to the Gestapo, subsequent 
arrest, and beatings are confirmed by his wife Aksinya Kisseleva, born in 1K70, 
his son Vasili Kisselev, born in 1011, and bis daughter-in-law IMaria Kisseleva, 
born in 1918, who live with him, as well as by track foreman Timofey Sergeyev, 
liorn in 1901, who rents a room in Kisselev's hamlet. 


The injuries caused to Kisselev at the Gestapo (injury of shoulder, consider- 
iilile impairment of hearinj;) are confirmed by a report of medical examination. 

In their search for "witnesses" the Germans subsequently became interested in 
railway worters at the Gnezdovo station, 2i/^ kilometers from Kozy Gory. In 
the spring of 1940 the Polish prisoners of war arrived at this station, and the 
Germans evidently wanted to obtain corroborating testimony from the railway- 
men. For this purpose, in the spring of 1943, the Germans summoned to 
the Gestapo the ex-station master of Gnezdovo station, S. V. Ivanov, the station 
master on duty, I. "V. Savvateyev, and others. 

S. P. Ivanov, born in 1882, gave the following account of the circumstances in 
which he was summoned to the Gestapo : 

"It was in March 1943. I was interrogated by a German officer in the presence 
of an interpreter. Having asked me through the interpreter who I was and what 
post I held at Gnezdovo station before the occupation of the district by the 
<jermans, the officer inquired whether I knew that in the .spring of 1940 large 
parties of captured Polish officers had arrived at Gnezdovo station in several 

"I said that I knew about this. 

"The officer then asked me whether I knew that in the same spring, 1940, soon 
after the arrival of the Polish officers, the Bolsheviks had shot them all in the 
Katyn Forest. 

"I answered that I did not know anything about that, and that it could not 
t)e so, as in the course of 1940-41, up to the occupation of Smolensk by the 
^Germans, I had met captured Polish officers who had arrived in spring, 1940, at 
Gnezdovo station, and who were engaged in road-construction work. 

"Then the officer told me that if a German officer asserted that the Poles had 
t»een shot by the Bolsheviks it meant that this was the case. 'Therefore,' the 
officer continued, 'you need not fear anything, and you can sign with a clear 
conscience a protocol saying that the Polish officers who were prisoners of war 
w^ere shot by the Bolsheviks and that you witnessed it.' 

"I replied that I was already an old man, that I was 61 years old, and did 
•not want to commit a sin in my old age. I could only testify that the Polish 
prisoners of war really arrived at Gnezdovo Station in the spring of 1940. 

"The German officer began to persuade me to give the required testimony, 
promising that if I agreed he would promote me from the position of watchman 
on a railway crossing to that of station master of Gnezdovo Station, which I had 
tield under the Soviet Government, and also to provide for my material needs. 

"The interpreter emphasized that my testimony as a former railway employee 
at Gnezdovo Station, the nearest station to Katyn Forest, was extremely impor- 
tant lor the German command, and tliat I would not regret it if I gave such 

"I understood that I had landed in an extremely difficult situation, and that a 
sad fate awaited me. However, I again refused to give false testimony to the 
■German offic-er. 

"After that the German officer started shouting at me, threatening me with 
beating and shooting, and said I did not understand what was good for me. 
However. I stood my ground. 

"The interpreter then drew up a short protocol in German on one page, and 
gave me a free translation of its contents. 

"This protocol recorded, as the interpreter told me, only the fact of the arrival 
•of the I'olish war prisoners at Gnezdovo Station. When I asked that my testi- 
mony be recorded not only in German Imt also in Russian, the officer finally was 
beside himself with fury, beat me up with a rubber club, and drove me off the 
premises. * * *" 

I. V. Savvateyev, born in 1S80. stated: 

"111 the Gestapo I testified that in spring 3940, Polish war prisoners arrived 
at the station of Gnezdovo in several trains and proceeded further by car, and 
I did not know where tlie.v went. I also added that I repeatedly met Poles 
later on the Moscow-Minsk highway, where they were working on repairs in small 

"The officer told me I was mixing things up, that I could not have met the Poles 
on the highway, as they had been shot by the Bolsheviks, and demanded that I 
testify to this. I refused. 

"After threatening and cajoling me for a long time, the officer consulted with 
the interpreter in German about something, and then the interpreter wrote a 
short protocol and gave it to me to sign. He explained that it was a record of 


my testimony. I asked the interpreter to let me read tlie protocol myself, but 
be interrupted me with abuse, ordering me to sign it immediately and get out. I 
liesitated a minute. The interpreter seized a rubber clujb banging on the wall 
and made a move to strilce me. After that I signed the protocol shoved at me. 
The interpreter told me to get out and go home, and not to talk to anyone or I 
would be shot. * * *" 

The search for "witnesses" was not limited to the above-mentioned persons. 
The Germans strove persistently to locate former employees of the People's 
Commissariat of Internal Affairs and extort from them false testimony. 

Having chanced to arrest E. L. Ignatyuk, formerly a laboi'er in the garage of 
the Smolensk Regional Administration of the People's Commissariat of Internal 
Affairs, the Germans stubbornly, by threats and beatings, tried to extort from 
him testimony that he had been a chauffeur and not merely a laborer in the- 
garage and had himself driven Polish war prisoners to the site of the shooting. 

E. L. Ignatyuk, born in 1908. testified in this connection : 

"When I was interrogated for the first time by Chief of Police Alferchik, he 
accused uie of agitating against the Gorman authorities, and asked what w«jrk 
I had done for the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs. I replied that I 
had worked in the garage of the Smolensk Regional Administration of the 
People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs as a laborer. At this interrogation, 
Alferchik tried to get me to testify that I had worked as a chauffeur and not as 
a laborer. 

"Greatly irritated by his failure to obtain the required testimony from me,; 
Alftrchik and his aide, whom lie called George, bound up my head and mouth 
with some cloth, removed my trousers, laid me on a table and began to beat me 
with rubber clubs. 

"After that I was summoned again for interrogation, and Alferchik demanded 
that I give him false testimony to the effect that the PolLsh officers had been 
shot in Katyn Forest by organs of the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs 
in 1940, of which I allegedly was aware, as a chauffeur who had taken part in 
driving the Polish officers to Katyn Forest, and who had been present at their 
shooting. Alferchik promised to release me from prison if I would agree to give 
such testimony, and get me a job with the police, where I would be given good 
living conditions — otherwise they would shoot me. * * * 

"The last time I was interrogated in the police station by examiner Alex- 
androv, who demanded from me the same false testimony as Alferchik about the 
shooting of the Polish officers, but at this examination, too, I refused to give 
false evidence. 

"After this interrogation I was again beaten up and sent to the gestapo. ♦ * » 

"In the gestapo, just as at the police station, they demanded from me false 
evidence about the shooting of the Polish officers in Katyn Forest in 1940 by 
Soviet authorities, of which I as a chauffeur was allegedly aware." 

A book published by the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and containing 
material about the "Katyn Affair," fabricated by the Germans, refers to other 
"witnesses" besides the above-mentioned P. G. Kisselev : Godesov (alias Go- 
dunov), born in 1877; Grigori Silverstov, born in 1891; Ivan Andreyev, born in 
1917 ; Mikhail Zhigulev, born in 1915 ; Ivan Krivozertsev, born in 1915 ; and 
Matvey Zakharov, born in 1893. 

A check-up revealed that the first two of the above persons (Godesov and 
SJl»-orstov) died in 1943 before the liberation of the Smolensk region by the Red 
army; the next three (Andreyev, Zhigulev, and Krivozertsev) left with the Ger- 
mans, or perhaps were forcibly abducted by them, while the last — Matvey 
Zakharov — formerly a coupler at Smolensk Station, who worked under the Ger- 
mans as headman in the village Novye Bateki, was located and examined by the 
special commission. 

Zakharov related how the Germans obtained from him the false testimony they 
needed about the "Katyn Affaif" : 

"Early in March 1943 an employe of the Gnezdovo gestapo, whose name I do 
not know, came to my house and told me that an officer wanted to see me. 

"When I arrived at the gestapo a German officer told me through an inter- 
preter : 'We know you worked as a coupler at Smolensk Central Station and you 
must testify that in 1940 cars with Polish war prisoners passed through Smolensk 
on the way to Gnezdovo, after which the Poles were shot in the forest at Kozy 
Gory.' In reply, I stated that in 1940 cars with Poles did pass Smolensk west- 
ward, but I did not know what their destination was. * * * 


"The oflScer told me that if I did not want to testify of my own accord he would 
force me to do so. After saying this he took a rubber club and began to beat me 
■up. Then I was laid on a bench, and the officer, together with the interpreter, 
bteat me. I do not remember how many strokes I had, because I soon fainted. 

"When I came to, the officer demanded that I sign a protocol of the examina- 
tion. I had lost courage as a result of the beating and threats of shooting, so 
I gave false evidence and signed the protocol. After I had signed the protocol 
I was released by the gestapo. * * =1= 

"Several days after I had been summoned by the gestapo, approximately in 
mid-March 1943. the interpreter came to my house and said I must go to a Ger- 
man general and confirm my testimony in his presence. 

"When I came to the general he asked me whether I confirmed my testimony. 
I said I did confirm it, as on the way I had been warned by the interpreter that 
if I refused to confirm the testimony I would have a much worse experience 
than I had on my first visit to the gestapo. 

"Fearing a repetition of the torture, I replied that I confirmed my testimony. 
Then the interpreter ordered me to raise my right hand, and told me I had taken 
an oath and could go home." 

It has been established that in other cases also the Germans used persuasion, 
threats, and torture in trying to obtain the testimony they needed, for example, 
fi"om N. S. Kaverznev, former deputy chief of the Smolensk Prison, and V. G.' 
Kovalev, former staff member of the same prison, and others. 

Since the search for the required number of witnesses failed to yield any 
success, the Germans posted the following handbill in the city of Smolensk 
and neighboring villages, an original of which is in the files of the Special 
Commission : 

"Notice to the population. 

"Who can give information concerning the mass murder of prisoners, Polish 
officers and priests, by the Bolsheviks in the forest of Kozy Gory near the 
Gnezdovo-Katyn highway in 1940? 

"Who saw columns of trucks on their way from Gnezdovo to Kozy Gory, or 

"Who saw or heard tlie shootings? Who knows residents who can tell about 

"Rewards will be given for any information. 

"Information to be sent to Smolensk, German Police Station, No. 6, Muzeinaya 
Street, and in Gnezdovo to the German Police Station, house No. 105 near the 
railway station. 


"Lietitenant of Field Police, 

"May 3, 19J,3r 

A similar notice was printed in the newspaper Novy Put, published by the 
Germans in Smolensk— No. 35 (157) for May 6, 1943. 

The fact that the Germans promised rewards for the evidence they needed 
on the "Katyn Affair" was confirmed by witnesses called by the Special Com- 
mission : O. E. Sokolova, E. A. Puschchina, I. I. Bychkov, G. T. Bondarev, E. P. 
Ustinov, and many other residents of Smolensk. 


Along with the search for "witnesses" the Germans proceeded with the prepa- 
ration of the graves in Katyn Forest ; they removed from the clothing of the Polish 
prisoners whom they had killed all documents dated later than April 1940 — 
that is, the time when, according to the German provocational version, the Poles 
were shot by the Bolsheviks — and removed all material evidence which could 
disprove this provocational version 

In its investigation the Special Commission revealed that for this purpose 
the Germans used up to 500 Russian war prisoners specially selected from war 
prisoners' camp No. 126. 

The Special Commission has at its disposal numerous statements of witnesses 
on this matter. 

The evidence of the medical personnel of the above-mentioned camp merits 
special attention. 

Dr. A. T. Chizhov, who worked in camp No. 126 during the German occupation 
of Smolensk, testified : 

"Just about the beginning of March 1943, several groups of the physically 
stronger war prisoners, totaling about 500, were sent from the Smolensk camp 


No. 126 ostensibly for trench work. None of these prisoners ever returned to^ 
the camp." 

Dr. V. A. Khmyrov, who worked in the same camp under the Germans, testi- 
fied : 

"I know that somewhere about the second half of February or the beginning 
of March 1943, about 500 Red Army men prisoners were sent from our camp to 
a destination unknown to me. The prisoners were apparently to be used for 
trench digging, for the most physically fit men were selected ♦ * *." 

Identical evidence was given by medical nurse O. G. Lenkovskaya, medical 
nurse A. I. Timofeyeva, and witnesses P. M. Orlova, E. G. Dobroserdova, and 
B. S. Kochetkov. 

The testimony of A. M. Moskovskya made it clear where the 500 war prisoners 
from camp 126 were actually sent. 

On October 5, 1943, the citizen Moskovskaya, Alexandra Mikhailovna, who 
lived on the outskirts of Smolensk and had worked during the occupation in 
the kitchen of a German military unit, filed an application to the Extraordinary 
Commission for the Investigation of Atrocities Perpetrated by the German In- 
vaders, requesting them to summon her to give important evidence. 

After she was summoned she told the Special Commission that before leaving 
for work in March 1943, when she went to fetch firewood from her shed in the 
yard on the banks of the Dnieper, she discovered tliere an unknown person who 
proved to be a Russian war prisoner. 

A. M. Moskovskaya, who was born in 1922, testified : 

"From conversation with him I learned the following : 

"His name was Nikolai Yegorov, a native of Leningrad. Since the end of 1941 
he had been in the German camp No. 126 for war prisoners in the town of 
Smolensk. At the beginning of March 1943 he was sent with a column of several 
hundred war prisoners from the camp to Katyn Forest. There they, including 
Yegorov, were compelled to dig up graves containing bodies in the uniforms of 
Polish officers, drag these bodies out of the graves and take out of tht-ir pocket.*; 
documents, letters, photographs, and all other articles. 

"The Germans gave the strictest orders that nothing be left in the pockets on 
the bodies. Two war prisoners were shot because after they had searched 
some of the bodies, a German officer discovered some papers on these bodies. 

"Articles, documents, and letters extracted from the clothing on the bodies were 
examined by tlie German officers, who then compelled the prisoners to put part 
of the papers back into the pockets on the bodies, while the rest were flung on a 
heap of articles and documents they had extracted, and later burned. 

"Besides this, ttie Germans made tlie prisoners put into the pockets of the 
Polisli officers some papers which they took from cases or suitcases (I don't 
remember exactly) which tliey had brought along. 

"All the war prisoners lived in Katyn Forest in dreadful conditions under the 
open sky, and were exti'emely strongly guarded. * * * 

"At the beginning of April 1943 all the work planned by the Germans was 
apparently completed, as for 8 days not one of the war prisoners had to do any 
w^ork. * * * 

"Suddenly at night all of them without exception were awakened and led 
somewhere. The guard was strengthened. Yegorov sensed something was 
wrong and began to watch very closely everything that was happening. They 
marched for 3 or 4 hours in an unknown direction. They stopped in the forest 
at a pit in a clearing. He saw how a group of war prisoners were separated 
from the i-est and driven toward the pit and then shot. 

"The war prisoners grew agitated, restless, and noisy. Not far from Yegorov 
several war prisoners attacked the guards. Other guards ran toward the place. 
Yegorov took advantage of the confusion and ran away into the dark forest, 
hearing shouts and firing. 

"After hearing this terrible story, which is engraved on my memory for the rest 
of my life, I became very sorry for Yegorov, and told him to come to my room, 
get warm and hide at my place until he had regained his strength. But Yegorov 
refused. * * * He said no matter what happened he was going away that very 
niglit, and intended to try to get through the front line to the Red Army. 
But Yegorov did not leave that evening. In the morning, when I went to make 
sure whether Yegorov had gone, he was still in the shed. It appeared that 
during the night he had attempted to set out, but had only taken about 50 
steps when he felt so weak that he was forced to return. This exhaustion was 
cansed by the long imprisonment at the camp and the starvation of the last few 
days. Wo decided he should remain at my place several days longer to regain 
his strength. After feeding Yegorov I went to work. 


"When I returned home in the evening my neighbors Maria Ivanovna Baranova 
and Yekaterina Yiktorovna Kabanovskaya told me that in the afternoon, during 
a search by the Gei'man police, the Red Army war prisoner had been found, 
and taken away." 

As a result of the discovery of the war prisoner Yegorov in the shed, -Moskov- 
skaya was called to the Gestapo, where she was accused of hiding a war 

At the Gestapo interrogation Moskovskaya stoutly denied that she had any 
connection with this war prisoner, maintaining she knew nothing about his 
presence in her shed. Since they got no admission from Moskovskaya, and also 
because the war prisoner Yegorov evidently had not incriminated Moskov- 
skaya, she was let out of the Gestapo. 

The same Yegorov told Moskovskaya that besides excavating bodies in- Katyn 
Forest, the war prisoners were used for bringing bodies to the Katyn Forest from 
other places. The bodies thus brought were thrown into pits along with the 
bodies that had been dug up earlier. 

The fact that a great number of bodies of people shot by the Germans in other 
places were brought to the Katyn graves is confirmed also by the testimony of 
Engineer Mechanic P. F. Sukhachev, born in 1912. an engineer mechanic of the 
Rosglavkhleb combine, who worked under the Germans as a mechanic in the 
Smolensk city mill. On October 8, 1943, he filed a request that he be called to 

Called before the Special Commission, he stated : 

•'Somehow during the second half of March 1943 I spoke at the mill to a G^er- 
man chauffeur who spoke a little Ru.ssian. Learning that he was carrying flour 
to Savenki village for the troops, and was returning on the next day to Smolensk, 
I asked him to take me along .so that I could buy some fat in the village. My 
idea was that making the trip in a German truck would do away with the risk of 
being held up at the control stations. The German agreed to take me, at a price. 
On the same day, at 10 p. m.. we drove on to the Smolensk-Vitebsk highway, just 
myself and the German driver in the truck. The night was light, and only a low 
mist over the road reduced the visibility. Approximately 22 or 23 kilometers 
from Smolensk, at a demolished bridge on the highway, there is a rather deep 
descent at the bypass. We began to go down from the highway, when suddenly 
a truck appeared out of the fog coming toward us. Either because our brakes 
were out of order, or because the driver was inexperienced, we were unable to 
bring our truck to a halt, and since the passage was quite narrow we collided 
with the truck coming toward us. The impact was not very violent, as the 
driver of the other truck swerved to the side, as a result of which the trucks 
bumped and slid alongside each other. The right wheel of the other truck, how- 
ever, landed in the ditch, and the truck fell over on the slope. Our truck remained 
upright. The driver and I immediately jumped out of the caltin and ran up to 
the truck which had fallen down. I was struck by a heavy stench of dead bodies, 
evidently coming from the truck. On coming nearer, I saw that the truck was 
carrying a load covered with a tarpaulin and tied up with ropes. The ropes had 
snapped with the impact, and part of the load had fallen on the slope. It was a 
horrible load — human bodies dressed in military uniforms. 

"As far as I can remember there were some six or seven men near the truck : 
One German driver, two Germans armed with tommy guns — the rest were Russian 
war prisoners, as they spoke Russian and were dressed accordingly. 

"The Germans began to abuse my driver and then made some attempts to right 
the truck. In about 2 minutes' time two more trucks drove up to the place of 
the accident and stopped. A group of Germans and Russian war prisoners, about 
10 men in all. came up to us from these trucks. * * * By joint efforts we 
began to raise the truck. Taking advantage of an opportune moment I asked 
one of the Russian war prisoners in a low voice : 'What is it?' He answered very 
quietly : 'For many nights now we have been carrying bodies to Katyn Forest.' 

"Before the overturned truck had been raised a German noncommissioned 
officer came up to me and my driver and ordered us to proceed immediately. As 
no serious damage had been done to our truck the driver steei-ed it a little to one 
side and got onto the highway, and we went on. When we were passing the two 
covered trucks which had come up later, I again smelted the horrible stench of 
dead bodies." 

Sukhachev's testimony is confirmed by that of Vladimir Afanasievich Yegorov, 
who .served as policeman in the police station during the occupation. 

Yegorov testified that when, owing to the nature of his duties, he was guarding 
a bridge at a crossing of the Moscow-Minsk and Smolensk- Vitebsk highways at 
the end of March and early in April 1943, he saw going toward Smolensk on 
93744 O— 52— pt. 3-^3 


several nights big trucks covered with tarpaulins and spreading a heavy stench 
of dead bodies. Several men, some of whom were armed and were undoubtedly 
Germans, sat in the driver's cabin of each truck, and behind. 

Yegorov reported his observations to Kuzma Demyanovich Golovnev, chief of 
the police station in the village of Arkhipovka, who advised him to "hold his 
tongue" and added : "This does not concern us. We have no business to be mix- 
ing in German affairs." 

That the Germans were carrying bodies on trucks to the Katyn Forest is also 
testified by Frol Maximo vich Yakovlev-Sokolov (born in 1806), a former agent 
for restaurant supplies in the Smolensk restaurant trust and, under the Germans, 
chief of police of Katyn precinct. He stated that once, early in April 1943 he 
himself saw four tarpaulin-covered trucks passing along the highway to Katyn 
Forest. Several men armed with tommy guns and rifles rode in them. An acrid 
stench of dead bodies came from these trucks. 

From the above testimony it can be concluded with all clarity that the Germans 
shot Poles in other places, too. In bringing their bodies to the Katyn Forest 
tliey pursued a triple object : first, to destroy the traces of their crimes ; second, 
to ascribe their own crimes to the Soviet Government ; third, to increase the 
number of "victims of Bolshevism" in the Katyn Forest graves. 

"excursions" to the katyn graves 

In April 1943, having finished all the preparatory work at the graves in Katyn 
Forest, the German occupationists began a wide campaign in the press and over 
the radio in an attempt to ascribe to the Soviet Power atrocities they themselves 
had committed against Polish war prisoners. As one method of provocational 
agitation, the Germans arranged visits to the Katyn graves by residents of Smo- 
lensk and its suburbs, as well as "delegations" from countries occupied by the 
German invaders or their vassals. The Special Commission questioned a number 
of delegates who took part in the "excursions" to the Katyn graves. 

K. P. Zubkov, a doctor specializing in pathological anatomy, who worked as 
medico-legal expert in Smolensk, testified before the Special Commission : "The 
clothing on the bodies, particularly the overcoats, boots and belts, were in a good 
state of preservation. The metal parts of the clothing — belt buckles, button 
hooks, and spikes on shoe soles, etc. — were not heavily rusted, and in some cases 
the metal still retained its polish. Sections of the skin on the bodies, which could 
be seen — faces, necks, arms — were chiefly a dirty green color and in some cases 
dirty brown, but there was no complete disintegration of the tissues, no putre- 
faction. In some cases bared tendons of whitish color and parts of muscles could 
be seen. 

"While I was at the excavations people were at work sorting and extracting 
bodies at the bottom of a big pit. For this purpose they used spades and other 
tools, and also took hold of bodies with their hands and dragged them from 
place to place by the arms, the legs or the clothing. I did not see a single case of 
bodies falling apart or any member being torn off. 

"Considering all the above, I arrived at the conclusion that the bodies had 
remained in the earth not 3 years, as the Germans affirmed, but much less. 
Knowing that in mass graves, and especially without coffins, putrefaction of 
bodies progresses more quickly than in single graves, I concluded that the mass 
shooting of the Poles had taken place about a year and a half ago, and could 
have occurred in the autumn of 1941 or the spring of 1942. As a result of my 
visit to the excavation site I became firmly convinced that a monstrous crime 
had been committed by the Germans." 

Testimony to the effect that the clothing of the bodies, its metal parts, shoes, 
and even the bodies themselves were well preserved was given by numerous 
witnesses who took part in "excursions" to the Katyn graves and who were 
questioned by the Special Commission. The witnesses include I. Z. Kutzev. the 
manager of the Smolensk water supply system ; E. N. Vetrova, a Katyn school- 
teacher ; N. G. Shchedrova, a telephone operator of the Smolensk communications 
bureau ; M. A. Alexeyev, a resident of the village of Borok ; N. G. Krivozertsev, 
a resident of the village of Novye Bateki ; 1. V. Savvateyev, the station master 
(m duty at Gnezdovo station ; E. A. Pushchina, a citizen of Smolensk ; T. A. 
Sidoruic. a doctor at the Second Smolensk hospital ; P. M. Kessarev, a doctor at 
the same hospital ; and others. 


The "excursions" organized by the Germans failed to achieve their aims. All 
who visited the graves saw for themselves that they were confronted with the and most obvious Gern)an-Fascist frame-up. The German authorities 


accordingly took steps to make the doubters keep quiet. The Special Commission 
heard the testimony of a great number of witnesses who related how the 
(ierman authorities persecuted those who doubted or disbelieved the provocation. 
These doubters were discharged from work, arrested, threatened with shooting. 

The Commission established that in two cases people were shot for failure to 
"hold their tongues." Such reprisals were taken against the former German 
policeman Zagainev, and against Yegorov, who worked on the excavation of 
graves in Katyn Forest. Testimony about the persecution of people who ex- 
pressed doubt after visiting the graves in Katyn Forest was given by M. S. Zuba- 
reva, a woman cleaner employed by drug store No. 1 in Smolensk ; V. F. Kozlova, 
assistant sanitation doctor of the Stalin District Health Department in Smo- 
lensk, and others. 

F. M. Yakovlev-Sokolov, former chief of police of the Katyn precinct, testified : 
"A situation arose which caused serious alarm in the German commandant's 
office, and police organs round about were given urgent instructions to nip in 
the bud all harmful talk at any price, and arrest all persons who expressed 
disbelief in the 'Katyn affair.' I, myself, as chief of the area police, was given 
instructions to this effect at the end of May 1943 by the German commandant 
of the village of Katyn, Oberleutnant Braung, and at the beginning of June by 
the chief of Smolensk district police, Kametsky. 

"I called an instructional conference of the police in my area, at which I 
ordered the police to detain and bring to the police station anyone who expressed 
disbelief or doubted the truth of German reports about the shooting of Polish 
war prisoners by the Bolsheviks. In fulfilling these instructions of the German 
authorities I clearly acted against my conscience, as I, myself, was certain that 
the 'Katyn affair' was a German provocation. I became finally convinced of that 
when I, myself, made an 'excursion' to the Katyn Forest." 

Seeing that the "excursions" of the local population to the Katyn graves 
did not achieve their purpose, in the summer of 1943 the German occupation 
authorities ordered the graves to be filled in. Before their retreat from Smolensk 
they began hastily to cover up the traces of their crimes. The country house 
occupiedi by the "Headquarters of the Five Hundred and Thirty-seventh Engi- 
neer Battalion" was burned to the ground. 

The Germans searched for the three girls — Alexeyeva, Mikhailova, and Konak- 
hovskaya — in the village of Borok in order to take them away and perhaps to 
kill them. They also searched for their main "witness," P. G. Kisselev, who, 
together with his family, had succeeded in hiding. The Germans burned down 
his house. 

They endeavored to seize other "witnesses" too— the former station master 
of Gnezdovo, S. V. Ivanov, and the former acting station master of the same 
station, I. V. Savvateyev, as well as the former coupler at the Smolensk station, 
M. D. Zakharov. 

During the very last days before their retreat from Smolensk, the German- 
Fascist occupationists looked for Profs. Brazilevsky and Yefimov. Both 
succeeded in evading deportation or death only because they had escaped in 
good time. Nevertheless, the German-Fascist invaders did not succeed in covering 
up the traces of or concealing their crime. 

Examination by medico-legal experts of the exhumed bodies proved irrefutably 
that the Polish war prisoners were shot by the Germans themselves. The report 
of the medico-legal experts' investigation follows : 


In accordance with the instructions of the special commission for ascertaining 
and investigating the circumstances of the shooting of Polish oflScer prisoners 
by the German-Fascist invaders in Katyn Forest (near Smolensk), a commission 
of medico-legal experts was set up, consisting of V. I. Prozorovsky, chief medico- 
legal expert of the People's Commissariat of Health Protection of the U. S. S. R. 
and director of the State Scientific Research Institute of Forensic Medicine; 
Doctor of Medicine V. M. Smolyaninov, professor of forensic medicine at the 
Second Moscow State Medical Institute; Doctor of Medicine D. N. Vyropayev, 
professor of pathological anatomy ; Dr. P. S. Semenovsky, senior staff scientist 
of the thanatology department of the State Research Institute of Forensic 
Medicine under the People's Commissariat of Health Protection of the U. S. S. R. ; 
Assistant Prof. M. D. Shvaikova, senior staff scientist of the chemico-legal depart- 
ment of the State Scientific Research Institute of Forensic Medicine under the 
People's Commissariat of Health Protection of the U. S. S. R. ; with the participa- 


tion of Major of Medical Service Nikolsky, diief medico-legal expert of the 
western front; Captain of Medical Service Bussoyedov, medico-legal expert of 
the * * * Army ; Major of Medical Service Subbotin, chief of the pathological 
anatomy laboratory No. 92 ; Major of Medical Service ( )globlin ; Senior Lieutenant 
of ]\Tedical Service Sadykov, medical specialist ; Senior Lieutenant of Medical 
Service Pushkareva. 

During the period between January 16 and January 23. 1944, these medico- 
legal experts conducted exhumation and medico-legal examination of the bodies 
of Polish war prisoners buried in graves on the territory of Kozy Gory in Katyn 
Forest, 1") kilometers from Smolensk. The bodies of Polish war prisoners were 
buried in a common grave about 60 by 60 by 3 meters in dimension, and also in 
another grave about 7 by 6 by 3i/j meters. Nine hundred and twenty-five bodies 
were exhumed from the graves and examined. The exhumation and medico- 
legal examination of the bodies were effected in order to establish : (a) Identity 
of the dead ; (ft) causes of death ; (e) time of burial. 

Circumstances of the case : See materials of the special commission. Objective 
evidence : See the reports of the medico-legal examination of the bodies. 


On the basis of the results of the medico-legal examination of the bodies, the 
commission of medico-legal experts ai'rived at the following conclusion : 

Upon the opening of the graves and exhumations of bodies from them, it was 
established that : 

(a) Among the mass of bodies of Polish war prisoners there were bodies in 
civilian clothes, the number of which, in relation to the total number of bodies 
examined, is insignificant (in all, 2 out of 925 exhumed bodies) ; shoes of army 
type were on these bodies. 

(h) The clothing on the bodies of the war prisoners showed that they were 
officers, and included some privates of the Polish Army. 

(c) Slits in the pockets, pockets turned inside out, and tears in them discovered 
during examination of the clothing show that as a I'ule all the clothes on each 
body (overcoats, trousers, etc.) bear traces of searches effected on the dead bodies. 

(rf) In some cases whole pockets were found during examination of the cloth- 
ing and scraps of newspapers, prayer books, pocketbooks, postage stamps, post- 
cards and letters, receipts, notes and other documents, as well as articles of value 
(a gold nugget, dollars). Pipes, pocketknives, cigarette papers, handkerchiefs, 
and other articles were found in these pockets, as well as in the cut and torn 
pockets, under the linings, in the belts of the coats, and in footwear and socks. 

(e) Some of the documents were found (without special examination) to 
contain data referring to the period between November 12, 1940, and June 20, 1941. 

(/) The fabric of the clothes, especially of overcoats, uniforms, trousers, and 
tunics, is in a good state of preservation and can be torn with the hands only 
with great difficulty. 

(g) A very small proportion of the bodies (20 out of 925) had the hands tied 
behind the back with woven cords. 

The conditicm of the clothes on the bodies — namely, the fact that uniform 
jackets, shirts, belts, trousers, and underwear are buttoned up, boots or shoes 
are on the feet, scarves and ties tied around the necks, suspenders attached, 
shirts tucked in — testifies that no external examination of the bodies and ex- 
tremities of the bodies had been effected previously. The intact state of the 
skin on the heads, and the absence on them, as on the skin of the chests and abdo- 
mens (save in 3 cases out of 925) of any incisions, cuts, or other signs, show 
convincingly that, judging by the bodies exhumed by the experts' commission, 
there had been no medico-legal examination of the bodies. 

External and internal examination of 925 bodies proves the existence of bullet 
wounds on the head and neck, combined in 4 cases with injury of the bones of 
the cranium caused by a blunt, hard, heavy object. Also, injuries of the abdomen 
caused simultaneously with the wound in the head were discovered in a small 
number of cases. 

Entry orifices of the bullet wounds, as a rule singular, more rarely double, 
are situated in the occipital part of the head near the occipital protuberance, at 
the big occipital orifice or at its edge. In a few cases entry orifices of bullets 
have been found on the back surface of the neck, corresponding to the first, 
second, or third vertebra of the neck. 

The points of exit of the bullets have been found more frequently in the frontal 
area, more rarely in the parietal and temporal areas as well as in the face and 
neck. In 27 cases the bullet wounds proved to be blind (without exit orifices), 
and at the end of the bullet channels under the soft membrane of the cranium, 


in its bones, in the membranes, and in the brain matter, were found deformed, 
barely deformed, or altogether nndeformed cased bullets of the type used with 
automatic pistols, mostly of 7.65 millimeter caliber. 

The dimensions of the entry oritices in the occipital bone make it possible to 
draw the conclusion that firearms of two calibers were employed in the shooting : 
in the majority of cases, those of less than 8 millimeter, i. e., 7.65 millimeter and 
less ; and in a lesser number of cases, those of more than 8 millimeter, i. e., 9 

The nature of the fissures of the cranial bones, and the fact that in some 
cases traces of powder were found at the entry orifice, proves that the shots 
were fired pointblank or nearly pointblank. 

Correlation of the points of entry and exit of the bullets shows that the shots 
were fired from behind with the head bent forward. The bullet channel pierced 
the vital parts of the brain, or near them, and death was caused by destruction 
of the brain tissues. 

The injuries infiicted by a blunt, hard, heavy object found on the parietal 
bones of the cranium wei-e concurrent with the bullet wounds of the head, and 
were not in themselves the cause of death. 

The medico-legal examination of the liodies carried out between January 16 
and January 23, 1944, testifies that there are absolutely no bodies in a condition 
of decay or disintegi-ation, and that all the 925 bodies are in a state of preserva- 
tion — in the initial phase of desiccation of the body — which most frequently and 
clearly was expressed in the region of the thorax and abdomen, sometimes also 
in the extremities; and in the initial stage of formation of adipocere (in an 
advanced phase of formation of a dipocere in the bodies extracted from the bottom 
of the graves) ; in a combination of desiccation of the tis.sues of the body with 
the formation of adipocere. 

Especially noteworthy is the fact that the muscles of the trunk and extremities 
absolutely preserved their macroscopic structure and almost normal color ; the 
internal organs of the thorax and peritoneal cavity preserved their configura- 
tion. In many cases sections of heart muscle have a clearly discernible structure 
and specific coloration, while the brain presented its characteristic structural 
peculiarities with a distinctly discernible border between the gray and white 

Besides the macroscopic examination of the tissues and organs of the bodies, 
the medico-legal experts removed the necessary material for subsequent micro- 
scopic and chemical studies in laboratory conditions. 

Properties of the soil in the place of discovery were of a certain significance 
in the preservation of the tissues and organs of the bodies. 

After the opening of the graves and exhumation of the bodies and their ex- 
posure to the air, the corpses were .subject to the action of warmth and moisture 
in the late summer season of 1943. This could have resulted in a marked progress 
of decay of the bodies. However, the degree of desiccation of the bodies and 
formation of a dipocere in them, especially the good state of preservation of the 
muscles and internal organs, as well as of the clothes, give grounds to affirm 
that the bodies had not remained in the earth for long. 

Comparing the condition of bodies in the graves in the territory of Kozy Gory 
with the condition of the bodies in other burial places in Smolensk and its near- 
est environs — Gedeonovka, Magalenshchina, Readovka, Camp No. 126, Krasny 
Bor, etc. (see report of the commission of medico-legal experts dated October 
22, 1943) — it should be recognized that the bodies of the Polish war prisoners 
were buried in the territory of Korey Gory about 2 years ago. This finds its 
complete corroboration in the documents found in the clothes of the bodies, 
which preclude the possibility of earlier burial (see point d of paragraph 36 
and list of documents). 

The commission of medico-legal experts — on the basis of the data and results 
of the investigation — 

Consider as proved the act of killing by shooting of the Polish Army officers 
and soldiers who were war prisoners. 

Asserts that this shooting dates back to about 2 years ago, i. e., between 
September and December of 1941 ; 

Regards the fact of the discovery by the commission of medico-legal experts, 
in the clothes on the bodies, of valuables and documents dated 1941, as proof 
that the German-Fascist authorities who undertook a search of the bodies in the 
spring-summer season of 1943 did not do it thoroughly, while the documents 
discovered testify that the shooting was done after June 1941 ; 

States that in 1943 the Germans made an extremely small number of post- 
mortem examinations of the bodies of the shot Polish war prisoners ; 


Notes the complete identity of method of the shooting of the Polish war prison- 
ers with that of the shooting of Soviet civilians and war prisoners widely prac- 
ticed by the German-Fascist authorities in the temporarily occupied territory 
of the U. S. S. R., including the towns of Smolensk, Orel, Kharkov, Krasnodar, 
and Voronezh. 

(Signed) Chief Medico-Legal Expert of the People's Commissariat of Health 
Protection of the U. S. S. R., Director of the State Scientific Re- 
search Institute of Forensic Medicine under the People's Commis- 
sariat of Health Protection of the U. S. S. R., V. I. Prozorovsky ; 
Professor of Forensic Medicine at the Second Moscow State Med- 
ical Institute, Doctor of Medicine V. M. Smolyaninov ; Professor 
of Pathological Anatomy, Doctor of Medicine D. N. Vyropayev ; 
Senior Staff Scientist of Thanatological Department of the State 
Scientific Research Institute of Forensic Medicine under the Peo- 
ple's Commissariat of Health Protection of the U. S. S. R., Doc- 
tor P. S. Semenovsky ; Senior Staff Scientist of the Forensic Chem- 
istry Department of the State Scientific Research Institute of 
Forensic Medicine under the People's Commissariat of Health 
Protection of the U. S. S. R., Assistant Professor M. D. Shvaikova. 
Smolensk, January 2If, 1944- 


Besides the data recorded in the protocol of the commission of medico-legal 
experts, the time of the shooting of the Polish officer prisoners by the Germans 
(autumn, 1941, and not spring, 1940, as the Germans assert) is also ascertained 
by documents found when the graves were opened, dated not only the latter half 
of 1940 but also the spring and summer (March- June) of 1941. Of the docu- 
ments discovered by the medico-legal experts, the following deserve special at- 
tention : 

1. On body No. 92 : 

A letter from Warsaw addressed to the Central War Prisoners' Bureau of the 
Red Cross, Moscow, Kuibyshev Street, House No. 12. The letter is written in 
Russian. In this letter Sofia Zigon inquires the whereabouts of her hHsband 
Tomasz Zigon. The letter is dated September 12, 1940. The envelope bears the 
imprint of a German rubber stamp "Warsaw Sept. 1940" and a rubber stamp 
"Moscow, Central Post Office, ninth delivery, Sept. 28, 1940" and an inscription 
in red ink in the Russian language : "Ascertain camp and forward for delivery, 
November 15, 1940" (signature illegible). 

2. On body No. 4 : 

A post card registered under the number 0112 from Tarnopol stamped "Tarn- 
opol November 12, 1940." 

The written text and address are discolored. 

3. On body No. 101 : 

A receipt No. 10293 dated December 19, 1939, issued by the Kozelsk camp testi- 
fying receipt of a gold watch from Eduard Adamovich Lewandowski. On the 
back of the receipt is a note dated March 14, 1941, on the sale of this watch to 
the Jewelry trading trust. 

4. On body No. 46 : 

A receipt (number illegible) issued December 16, 1939, by the Starobelsk camp 
testifying receipt of a gold watch from Vladimir Rudolfovich Araszkevicz. On 
the back of the receipt is a note dated March 25, 1941, stating that the watch was 
sold to the Jewelery trading trust. 

5. On body No. 71 : 

A small paper ikon with the image of Christ, found between pages 144 and 145 
of a Catholic prayer book. The inscription, with legible signature, on the back 
of the ikon, reads : "Jadwiga" and bears the date "April 4, 1941." 

6. On body No. 46 : 

A receipt dated April 6, 1941, issued by camp No. 1-ON, showing receipt of 225 
rubles from Araszkevicz. 

7. On the same body. No. 46 : 

A receipt dated May 5, 1941, issued by Camp No. l-'ON, showing receipt of 
102 rubles from Araszkevics. 

8. On body No. 101 : 

A receipt dated May 18, 1941, issued by Camp No. 1-ON, showing receipt of 175 
rubles from Lewandowski. 

9. On body No. 53 : 


An unniailed postcard in the polish language addressed Warsaw Bagatelia 
15, apartment 47, to Irene Knczinska, and dated June 20, 1941. The sender is 
Stanislaw Kuczinski. 


From all the material at the disposal of the special commission, namely, evi- 
dence given by over 100 witnesses questioned, data supplied by the medico-legal 
experts, documents, and material evidence found in the graves in the Katyn 
Forest, the following conclusions emerge with irrefutable clarity : 

1. The Tolish prisoners of war who were in the three camps west of Smo- 
lensk, and employed on road building up to the outbreak of war, remained there 
after the (German invaders reached Smolensk, until September 1941, inclusive; 

2. In the Katyn Fcn-est, in the autumn of 1941, the German occupation authori- 
ties carried out mass shootings of Polish prisoners of war from the above-named 
camps ; 

8. The mass shootings of Polish prisoners of war in the Katyn Forest were car- 
ried out by a German military organization hiding behind the conventional name 
of "Headquarters of the Five Hundred and Thirty-seventh Engineer Battalion," 
which was headed by Lieutenant Colonel Arnes and his assistants, First Lieu- 
tenant Rekst and Second Lieutenant Hott ; 

4. In connection with the deterioration of the general military and political 
situation for Germany at the beginning of the year 1943, the German occupation 
authorities, with provocational aims, took a number of steps in order to ascribe 
their own crimes to the organs of the Soviet power, calculating on setting Rus- 
sians and Poles at loggerheads ; 

5. With this aim : 

in) The German-Fascist invaders, using persuasion, attempts at bribery, 
threats, and barbarous torture, tried to find "witnesses" among Soviet citizens, 
from whom they tried to extort false evidence, alleging that the Polish prisoners 
of war had been shot by the organs of Soviet power in the spring of 1940; 

(ft) The German occupation authorities in the spring of 1943 brought in from 
other places bodies of Polish war prisoners whom they had shot and put them 
into the opened graves in the Katyn Forest, calculating on covering up the traces 
of their own crimes, and on increasing the number of "victims of Bolshevik 
atrocities" in the Katyn Forest ; 

(c) Preparing for their provocation, the German occupation authorities started 
opening the graves in the Katyn Forest in order to take out documents and 
material evidence which exposed them, using for this work about 500 Russian 
prisoners of war who were shot by the Germans after the work was completed. 

6. It has been established beyond doubt from the evidence of the medico-legal 
experts that : 

(ff ) The tiPie of the shooting was the autumn of 1941 ; 

(&) In shooting the Polish war prisoners the German executioners applied the 
same method of pistol shots in the back of the head as they applied in the mass 
execution of Soviet citizens in other towns, e. g., Orel, Voronezh, Krasnodar, and itself. 

7. The conclusions drawn from the evidence given by witnesses, and from the 
findings of the medico-legal experts on the shooting of Polish war prisoners by 
the Germans in the autumn of 1941, are completely confirmed by the material 
evidence and documents excavated from the Katyn graves ; 

8. In shooting the Polish war prisoners in the Katyn Forest, the German- 
Fascist invaders consistently carried out their policy of physical extermination 
of the Slav i)eop]es. 

( Signed : ) 

Chairman of the Special Commission, Member of the Extraordinary State 
Committee Academlcin N. N. Burdenko. 
Members : 

Member of Extraordinary State Committee, Academician Alexei Tolstoi, 
Member of the Extraordinary State Committee, Metropolitan Nikolai. 
Chairman of the All-Slav Committee, Lt. Gen. A. S. Gundorov. 
Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Union of the Red Cross and 

Red Cresent Societies, S. A. Kolesnikov. 
People's Commissar of Education of the Russian SFSR( Academician 
V. P. Potemkin. 
Chief of the Central Medical Administration of the Red Army, Col. Gen. 

E. I. Smirnov. 
Chairman of the Smolensk Regional Executive Committee, R. E. Melnikov. 
Smolensk, January 24, 1944. 
Translasted from the Russian. 


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CH B Jiarepe oxpano*^ - h hi; 3HaK)". 
SaMemaBOiMft b nio;ie 1941 r. naqajitHUKe 4BHxeHiw CuojieHCKOro 

yqacTKa ''anaAHofi jk.a. MH^Kenep ilh/.:iub u.B. noKa;m;i unem«a;ibH0{* 


"Ko MHe B OT^ejieH^^e o5paiua;iacb aAMHHMCTpaunn ;iarepeK 
A^H nojibCK/x BoeHHOnjieHHux, mtoGu no;iyMHTb BaroHU ajih ot- 
npaBKM nojiHKOB, ho CE060AHKX BaroHOB y Hi.c He ^,dno. Lommwo 
Toro, no4aTb BaroHW Ha Tpaccy TycMHO, r^e Cbuio Sojibme sce- 
ro BoeHHon;ieHHbix noASKOB, wa He motjim, Tan k&k sra AOpora 
yxe HaxOAHiiacb noA o6cTpf /iom. Iloii^TOMy Ma ne motjih BHno.THKXb 
npocb6 aAMMHMCTpauHM Jiarepe!^. TaKHM oSpaaow, EoeHHOnAeHHue 
nOJIHKH OCTajlUCb B CwOJieHCKOi' oS^acTK" . 
HaxojKAeHne no;ibCKHx BoeHhonjif-HHUX e Jiarcpax CMOJieHCKofi 

o6;i. noATBepjKAaeTCH no-ca:^aHMHMM MHoroMHCJieHHux cEHAfcTejiel', ko- 

TOpwe BHAt'JiM r>TKx no;iflKOB Cjim3 3M0;ieHCKa b n^psue MecHuu OKKy- 

nauMH AO ceHTa6pfl M~ua 1^41 r. BK;iK)m«Te;ibH0. 

CsHAeTejibHuna CAiLULLA !v'ap/H AjieKcawApOBHa, ymiTe;ibHHua 

HaMajiBHoK uiKOJibi Aep, neHbKOBO, paccKaaajia CneuKajibHot* aommcchh 



o TOM, MTO B asrycTe M-D;e I94I r. OHa npHWTHJia y ce6fl b Aowe 
B Asp. reHBKOBO 6ewaBuiero H3 ;iarepH BoeHHOnJieHHoro nojwKa. 

"...riojiHK 6bi;i B nojibCKoJ? BoeHHo!: c|x)pMe, KOTOpyw r cpasy 
ysHajia, tbk Kan b TeqewMe 1940-41 r.r. BviAena. Ha mocce 
rpynnu BoeHHonjieHHux uonnKOB, KOTopwe noA kohbocm bbjik 
KaKne-TO pa6oTbi Ha mocce... liojiAK uenn saHHTepecosaji to- 
nOMy, MTO, KaK hjhchmjiocb, oh flo npHSbiBa na BoeHHyw cjiyst- 
6y 6hi;i b IIojiBme y^HTejiew HaMajitHOfi mKOJibi. Tan KaK fl cawa 
OKOH^HJia EeATexHUKyw h roTOBUjiacb 6hti> yMMTe;ifcHMueM, to 
noTOMy H aasejia c hum paaroBop. Oh paccKasaji mhb, mto 
okoh^hji b Jlojihme yunTejiBCKyio ceMHHapHW, a saTew ymiJicH 
B KaKOtt-TO boghho!^ uiKOJie H 6u;i nOAnopyiHKOM aanaca. C 
Haqajia BoeHHUx asPctbh}? IIojibihh c FepManneK oh 6hji npHssaH 
Ha Aet^cT BHTeiibHyio cjiyxfiy, HaxoAHiicH b CpecT-JlMTOBCKe, rfle 
H nonaji b n;ieH k qacTAw ^pacHoJ! ApMMM... Bo;iBuie roAa oh 
HaxoAMJicH B jiarepe noA CwojieHCKOM. 

rCorAa npHm^iM Hejflxbi, ohm saxnaTHJiH nojibCKnJ? Jiarepfc, 
yoTaHOBHJiH B Hew KecTKii{* pe;«MM. Lem^ ne cuMTajiH nojiHKOB 
sa JiJOAeti, BC/iqecKH npMTecHH;iH « HSAeBajiHCb HaA hhmm. Bmjih 
CJiyMaH paccTpejia nojWKOB hh sa mto. Torfla oh peiuHJi 6eacaTi>. 
FaccKa.3hiBafl o ce6e, oh CKa3aji, mto xceHa ero TaKwe ym/irenh- 
HMua, MTO y Hero ecTB Asa 6paTa k abc cectpu..." 
YxOAfl Ha ApyroR ashb, hojihk nasBaji cbow (JawMJiKW, KOTopyw 
CAiiIiic.5A 3anHca;ia b KHHre. B npeACTaB/ieHHOJ^ CAlilhi-faOL CneuHajiiHoR 
KOMHCCHH KHHre "IIpaKTimecKHe aaHHTHH no ecTecTBOSHaHHw" Avoaob- 
CKoro Ha nocJieAHeft cTpaHKue HweeTCfl aanMCb*. 



"JIO£K iCsecJ) h Co(J)i.fl. FopoA TaMOCTBe yjiKua uropo^Haa aom 
N 25". 

B onyGjiUKOBaHHHx Hevoiawn cnncKax no^ K 3796 JiOiiA r^seq^), 
jiePTeHaHT, 3HaMKTCfl, KaK peccTpejiflHuiP wa "rvosbiix lOpax" b 
iiaTMHCKOM Jiecy BecHoP 1940 r. 

TaKHM o6pa3ov, no HewenKOwy cooO'meHMw nojiyqaercfl, wto 
y.uv.K 1-3 6(1) 6hiJi peccTpejiHH sa roA AO Toro, KaK ero E^Aejia cbm- 
AeTe;ibHHna GAuLixl^A. 

CsHAeTejiB ,,>-aii^.r..;..ub n.E., KpecTbflHHH KOJixosa "r^pacHaH 
Sapn" .'."aTHHCKoro cejiiCOBeTe , ncKasa/i: 

"b r.-^4l r. B aErycTe-ceHTflO{ e i^-iie, xorAa ii] /uijih HeMUU, 

H BCTpeuaji nojiHKo;;, paSoTaioaiHx Ha iiiocce rpynnavH no lb-60 

TaKHe we norcasaHHH ^ajin cbma'-tp.^h: 'Ju..„r.i — .ub - ShiB.cra- 
pocTa Aei.Z.opOK, ^Oj.A^iLb A.C. - Bjaq CMo;ieHCKa, oi,.uJ-.i.n a. 11. 
-CBHUieHHHK , ^.A^'iiT.h 'i.V.. - AopO'^rOj!' vacTep, CLjrj-.'.i,.ri i.,A. - kh- 
xc'Hep, ;.'o'J/iU_/Gi-:X-i A.'.:. - wMTe;ibHMua 'Jwoji* HCKa, iv-.::...^^^^ a.' . - 
nj e/i,Cf,i,aTejiL KOJixosa ^ep. ZopOK, c'j .^i^'t) j^..b. - BOAonpO'-OAHu-/ 
TexKHK, 1 'J: u„!:.;.,.tiL. - CBHii'eHHUK, Jn.....iji/v A. v. - 6yxra;iTcp, 
.-.r/ri Oi-.A , . ,. - ymiTejibHHiia, 'JAo:--AV.>,;i-> i..h, - Ae;-:ypHuf no ct. 
FKe^AOBO V. .i.p. 

U.-..r..;..ji I.J. i.KjjihC\i..^ ^.Ui'....iOiiv.j,MiiiLA^v 

riajiuMKe '^oeHHcnjirHHiix noAHKOE oawh") i'::'Ti r. ■- |:a;'Ohax 
Cvo;ieHCKa noAT--epK;;aeTCH 'v^.kwm 'iavTOM nposeAeHKfl Hew.eiMH mho- 
roMMc/ieHHWx Oi.JiaB Ha r^rux fioeHHOi:7ii^.HHrJX, 6e-'KaBiunx H3 ;iarepei*. 



CBHAeTejib itAPTOuiailH MJ/.. , hjiothhk, noKasaji: 

"BoeHHonjieHHHX nojWKOB oceHbio I94I r. Heinoj MCKajiH He 
TOJibKO B Jiecax, ho h npnBJieKa;iacb nojimyia A-tji homhhx o6bic- 
KOB B AepeBHHx". 

Bmb. cTapocTa Aep.^ iiOBwe BaTeKM 3Ay.AP0b M.^. noKesaji, qro 
oceHiw 194 1 r. Hewiibi ycji;ieHHO "npoqecuBajin" AepesHH n jieca. b 
nojicKax nojiiCKHx BoeHHOftjieHHHx. 

CsHfleTejiL ^.hiu/ihriAUb u.B,, KpecTBHHt'H KOJixosa "ApacHan 
3apfl" , noKasa;! : 

"y Mac npon3BOAH/iHCb cnei;MajibHbie ofijiaBu no poaucKy 6e- 
KaeuiMx H3-noA CTpawu BoeHf onjif-ntaix nojiaxoB. TaKHe oGnckh 
ABa KJiK TjK pasa 6fai;iH b Moew Aowe. iiOcjie o;^Horo o6HCKa a 
cnpocMJi CTapocTy Gi!.lri li^r^BA AOHCTaHTHna - Koro n:uyT b nau'eJ^ 
AepesHe. C:::Pri^j.B CKaaa/i, mto npnoi-ji npi-Kas M.-3 neMeuKoR 
KOMeHAarypj, no KOTOpowy bo Rcex Sea ncKJiwqeHMH ^ovax 
AOJimeH 6biTb npoH.aReAeH o6uck, tpk KaK h Hauef^ A^psBHe 
CKpaeawTCH BoeHHonjienHHe nonnKVi, Se^aEtUMe M3.;iarepH. 'ie- 
pea HeK0T0| Oh sr^eMK oSmckh nj eKpaTHjiHCb" . 
CBi^AeTejib i^iiTL.iUj. T.;,., ko,tx03HHk, roxaaaji: 

"OSjiaBbi no poabiCKy h^iphhux iiojikkoe n| ov'-^pOAH.THcf, aec- 
K0;ibK0 pe.3. ^'TO Gujio B aBPycTt -ceHTH5pe ^i:/-ti roAa. ..ocjie 
ceHTH6pfl rr-"ii r. T-aKMe o^j/iaP'^ ni - kj. arnjiKCb m 5o;:bme hkkto 

nO^lbCKKX BOeHHOr.JieHHHX Hf; El'Af;-'!" . 


PACC it ..^^.. :^0:.. i.Ui. i...^ j,u .o:j 

y^o^'HHyT^^'• B^ujt- "i t-;' •- ' CT| otrrf.;:t.Horo ';&?a-;ioti;." , nove- 
maBLUKf-CH Ha ;;8Me e ":\0?}i:>: .ojax", hc ii| o;:. : j,jm H/Kax/.x ct] o/- 


';fM Ha ca»'0»' „( jif :•;? H;:r.«fij:c,-; r.'^oT "uiTtJ,", no.<ar-a..M »':-orMe 

CPK^eTOJIH, H TO?' MKCJK; C'-I-.V "' -'i J HllVr' : a J>:...'^t, ji .'. ., .../..„• 0- 

hk 0,j;. 11 .tUi.A>.u^J/j^. c.\.. - ••^'i'-^. ;;ih;'-Ii.: ,,(]-. .'o; ok .'8TUKC:-:oro 

liO j.HcnofH'-' H/K) H> T.'r"r-oro ■■•)•.•• .,hHTa n'^c* ;::--a ..a'l'iiHfc oh;i 

6uj1V: H8-npaHjif' Hi,i crajoc^o'' ,i'r^'^i:i' , o: ok - ^^u..,,.-.'. w. ... ^.,. 

;HJfl rr-^o?!.; no oCcjiyxKr-eHZK j:i"f!'oro ^•^r^-^f;. •e "i::t>-'!-" iit yv'Vr'y- 

TO"'- A^Me. 

• iO IIJUfi.'Tl'H H "..iOril-.K iO]u" K" Mf;!f=? !!• : ' ;0,,M i' 'U ''.'i'^-O HJC- 

TaB/ien pha orrPHMMeHM'- : f5'.:;'o .Mani • "> 'io yoi-r.> y,,^-.;,-;-:^; o.-: or .;aMH 

H XO^!''Tb H Jlf-C, ;<8X0„l''^I ''••■■< BUBOha V. '.<:>. C:Oi:| rO"- ,,■ H :',•. Hf )'•:;- 

KKx coi!;\ftT B KOMHard A^'-ii', or'Tf.. .-arM.-H ? •: ■:,o.""-- ■ // ,;am'. b 
HOMHOe p]C'MH. i.; Mxo;;nTL '.• y/.o,,/-?! H- :-..,o-"v _ ' ■■ ; • ..f-r.ocb no 
CTj-oro oil} (i^f .ncHHOvy nyr;^ :■ tj-.i..-'o ; .o;:^ ,:-o-„*k/1! co.:AaT, 

uTO n; '',•,, yi^i ' ,-:,^e:HHf' 6hLno c,,f ;i.: .-io j_ ^...;.^,., ! .j...:.. ..^..u,. / 

.tOi./vw.u^C.v«j.. qepes Hf.-pt.-BOAMi'.Ka Hcr.ot . - „c "> k;; j cf.Ki'v. liana.TLHK- 
KOM Hf-weiTKOro yM] (:>:,;' Ht^.T , O'.* j c"-;:' "• : • :?ov Aiw..Jo;.., KOTOjui' 
aJW 3T0^ ;-(.-jik nooMi'HOMKe ELir!b!Ba.n iix k c -^c . 

..o Ronpocy o .ii"-iH0?« cocTaBe "mraCa" /•.... ....J:.:..-'/!, i..... i:0Ka- 

3a;ia : 


"iia ^e-Me b "aOsbmx I'opax" nocTOHKiiO HaxOMMJioct okojio 
ckJ HcMTif.B, CTapiiiHM y H/x 6u;i oSepcT-JieFrciiaHT ^■.'n.^C, ero 

afl"K)78HT0M HBJIHjICH OG' p-Jiei'TL'HaHT leKCT. T'.M HaxO;i,KJIl'.Cb 

Te.K'T.e jie/TGHaHT, eaxMHCTp JIwfejjT, yHTep-o4-'HUt.p no 

X03HrCTEeHHMM J^^^-JIB.}'. r 036: , KTO IIOMOUJHKK i..--l/.Ke, 00- p- ^'/.BA- 

ve^ejib J p< h^'BCkk:" , peAa?u:Ki' 9.'ieKTpocTaHr;^L:'-, i.oTorpa ;. 
ofiep-o|pe'-TOi , avi'.">iwi kotojopo h He nO"HK , nc.-] f,ho„Mi".K H3 
iiewiieB-^OHOJiK^H , MKH ero KSur.hTCH i'.oraHH, HO roi ero naabi- 
HajiM ir.BaHOf, nopaj: h^mbu lycraH h pHA AP'Vrp^x, ciawijjiMn m 
Mvena KOTO|tix r/ne h* H3:^ccth;j" . 

BcKope noc.'/.p CHOfPO riocTyru;' hj-.h Ha pafjOTy Avlr..tL)^a,t,A, 
;.'jr->.^.,^.Jr A H ..Uwr...u..J.^/.' crajiH .^aMOMart, mto Ha ^a^e coBejmawT- 

CH "KaK/e-TO. TfJMi.MB ^cjia". 

k^i^.:Xr:i.:jA A..' . noKa.^a.Ta: 

" . . JiepeBOAMHK i.oraHH, ot nweHW ^JriiuJA, nac HecKO;ibKO 
paa npeAynp»;-KAaji o tom, mto uh aox^^hiii "A^pMaTB ht-iuk aa 
syCawK" n hc 6ojiTaTB o toc, mto b/ai^m m cjihimviw. He, Af^'^e. 

rjpowe Toro, H no r-Jiowy paAy mombhtoh Aora/^^upajiact , mto 
Ha DTo!'- Aane HeMUM tboj-ht KaKze-TO TewKbie abjib,.. 

B KOHue aBTvcTa h 6o;!biuyKi MacTB cbhthSjh vecHua ly-il 
roAa Ha Afi^y b "Koabu lojiw" nouTu ' >-t,v,,H(.HHO niv.hs-MiJio 
HB'CKO.TbKO rpyaoEbix wauj/H. 

OHaMa.fia h H',- ot.p'iTi'jia Ha 3to pHi^r'aHKH, ho hotom savie- 
T/Jia, mto BCHKnf pan, :<orAH na TeppMTO] hki a^imm aaeswajiK 
3TH MaiiiHHH, OHM Rj B,; paj;HTejibH0 Ha nojiuaca, a to H Ha uejiHi? 
Mac, 0CTaHaBjii^Ba;iiTCb rAft-TO na npoceJioMHOf* AOpore, BCAymei! 
OT mocce k Aa^e. 

93744 O— 52— pt. 3 4 



?, cAf--':5-'':a. TftKOJ* BaBOM ^OTO^'y, mto uj yw f.'a^iKH qejes h-3- 
KOTO- :■ , vn noc;ie aaea,,?; I'.x h t^ j : i^to, /k ^tmt; yr/xa;!. 
O^HOp; • '■ . c n]>fKrai':eH/rM tuvMa wain/H HaMKHa;:aci, o^khom- 
Hftj? CTjf-JiB6a. r.hiCTif.T-i cji',;>pajin OmHh aa AiyrHM qepes ko- 
j'OTK/e, HO, np'r_H', 041^1? --OBue r; Dwe:*-yTKH rjcweKH. carev 
CTpejibOa CTt-xa^qa n Ma:':s^Hu n3,,"e3Kajin k caMOti ^awe. 

iis waiuKH Bwxoafj'i' Hf MP"K!"' cojiAa'^ w yHTf-p-o:;.;ii5epbJ, 
H'yMHO pa3ro".a} Kpan ?'f"':r<Ay c--. ji-, ohh iuav? MJiTbC/i e CaKtc, 
nocj'.f- I'^ro nbHHCTFOpajH': . ..aHH b r*TK ^hi^ HcerAU Toni^/iach. 

CO/fA'-bl K3 KaKO''-TO li'- V ; --Oi- FOKHC-:0;' M-.C'">'. ,,j1H HUX CIK'- 

^^!aJlbHO cra'-KJU'CB ko/kh ;- 1: •" .:• v.v.w c ';.';,, ?-.?c koto Kaa^^HO, 
oj re.HtT'or-riHHoro b oahoI' I'a .-''..n ;\--^v.. ■:, arn „hh Ha KyxHCi 
roTo:"P5/iO(;t '"^ojif.iio- .--oji/ •:• r-- -. ^ 3f'40?^, a k CTo.-:y iio,,aha- 
;iacb y^HO'Hran riOfUKH c: /. . :- ;■. h? ;:/tkob. 

ae3a4o;!ro so !i[H'--i«'"t'H vaiiiKH na Af'>-'^y ^-''">'- cojiAaru c 0{ y- 
•v.Vi^iU yxo^iijii' •;- -T c, OH! r;',/';o :-; r-ecTV 'JCT^.ho -ki^ vk:^.\-m , Tan 
KaK M'^-: '..'-; m.':^^"fca /jij^ mc; • :■ Mac :-:!.■•!-] a j.a.Tia;b Ho "tkx va:::/- 
Hax KM'.'CT- c CO/;;; ?-.?<'->.'/ , hoctohh }-;irrUi^«'v: w? ^,a'-i';. 

r.a.K :Ao7i;xv«,T i' " .: V ,. _. _ ,n _ , v :.;.;•;,... .-ai i..i: X hf-. A^-^y ''fUMH 

ec.:M 6',: Ka.HAi.i/ ;'■■■, ■'-.'.,- .y /.easfijiM Maiiii'Kbi, Hac /mph>^, .^o- 
i,A.vU^C.-v.'. v« ■..>., a...... u^y/ He 38:0::h;;k na xyxHK), f;c;:n wi.i naxo- 

AHJiHCB p -TO -:-?/>! Ha APOpe y Mam:, ur.j^ h'. Hf; PHn;-CKa;.M K3 

KyXHM,' ?'W HaXO^SIJi/CB hp. KyXrif. . 



bTO o6cTOHTe;iiCTBO, a raiC'Ke to, mto h HecKOJiRKO pas 
aaweqajia cjie^w c^.ew.eV KfOBn Ha O/^ew^e AEyx eq|>r. to] ob, 
sacTaBKJio weHH RH/waTejiBHO n]^/.cuoTyeThCfi sa Tr,M, mto 
npoMCxoAHJio Ha A&'^e. ToPAa h h .^av.eri'.Jia cTpaHnwe nej.fcpbiBhi 
B ABH^eHMM waiiJMH, MX ocTftHOPKn E Jifccy. ,1 saweTHJia TaK;«e, 
MTO cjieAhi KpoHM Gu/iii Ha OA'.'-KAe OAHHx n Tex He ;im^ei' 
AByx eCypePTOpOE . Uamh h3 hux ObiJi bucokkK, pii:':i^i', ApyroK 
-cpeAHero pocTt., G.iohakh. 

iia Rcero sToro h aaKJiKMKJia, mto Hewicu Ha-MauiHHe npw- 
B03MJI11 Ha Aft^y .nK'At--/ / MX iaccTpejinHa^'in. /: AaKo ii]n6;iM3K- 
Te^ifcHO AoraAi^Ba;iach , rAe 3T0, Tan Kax, npuxo- 
Afl K yxOAH c Aa^n, H .laweqajia HcMa-fi*^^ ko ot ^oi.orn b Hec- 
KOJibKHx vecTax CEe;-<eHa'JpocaHHyK) sauJiK.. ii.TomaAfc, aaHHTan 
OTOi? CBeKenafjpocaHHOr aej/jieS, exfcAHeBHO yBe;iimnBa.mcb b 
A^i'.HHy. C TeqeHnew bp^mchh rneM/iH b 3Tiix MecTax npHHHJia 

CROll OOUMHbl'/ 2HA". 

ha Bonpoc Znciiy.&f.hHOv .-Iomucchk, hto .^a ;iKAt^ j accTpejiHsa- 
/iMCB B ;iecy 6jih3 ;[smvi jij.L.:l^::^^A o-vp.eriAfii. , mto j.accTj.e.iitaajiKCt 
BOeHHOUJieHi-iae nojiHKH, / b i!0;^THe|:xA€HM0 cbomx cnoh pac -Kaaajia 
cjieAywicee : 

"ZbiJiiA AHU, KOTAa waiUMHbi Ha AftHy HC iiji'SH'-ajiH, a T(;M ne 
MeH^e cojiAaTfci yxOAMjin c a^mm b ji<;C, OTTyA& cjiauajiacb m&c- 
Tafl 0M/H04Ha/i c'r[-t;;iB6a. iiO B03EpameH/i» cojiAaTbi o6H3aT";;L- 

HO WJIH H ^aHK) M 3fcT':f< HBH HCT HOfiajlK . 

>' HOT fibui <-'u:-.- TaKO!' c;iyMai':. .'. Kan-TO 3aA<.;.-:a::acfc na 
AaMO HocKOJiBKO n03:-<t O'jbmHoro ri'M'n;;. ...- . j.....^.-/-. m ,.o.„...*-:i- 
G.-lA.'I yxe yuiJiii. ,, eji(; H'. yci!o-;ia auKOHMi^Ti) cpooi: j.uLotu ,} ua;' 


^" ■ ' ■ ■'.„:. .;. / . ■c'.> C0i;;:a;:fv: h'- ; ^'-r'o; /r-c hvo 

^ • . ■ . . ,: "CfiH „o :i;o :'-f . 

: / K OTOi;:;;?- r^o ::;occe ot r ; /:• ,,i.^:y ;-( ?; oj- 

Ihvj-^Uu, H yF^4f:jia, :-aK no . . .:.;a r] ynna hOCHHorjifjHHux 

}-' ' ' ' 



OHil C 


- -^ " , "i;.-;;a ■ ,,, ■■ , --OfAa 



i.ecKOjih'f-o J".? o i:] v.fyj'vvii'. ho.'ihkob b ".oOr-si-n .opu" vi^; 
,10rF:.,^upaji;ic L in H;-n|-H:-'' hho'' O'-ct'. Hor-Kt; , kotc Ur; vj-q Aj-if. 
E 3T0 RfieMH Ha ;j,aMe . . . 

"'.eci) o^' /I'' ;.ck:i'' cocrap ;/.■.')„, :;i ^3 ^ami, b 3„aHni^ O'-'raHa- 

JlOCh 'ro,TI:,KO K'.CKO^IBKO Ka] ay.T J=H! ! X , a HaXM«CT| ■-.' Clil ■■ ; i.i htiO 

II ] ' o ;■:/•. ;: r • ' ; • -^h no T • .'i ":. (JjO h y . . . " 
'.'.i..^-.. ..^..h. o.A. noKa^ajia: 

".: CeHTH^f-'/ ?^'CHI!*; .'.' ii TO., a B jlf;Cy "..O.-lI.H .0]!,;" OMOHb 

MacTO ].-;3,ifi pa.nacT) !■■•";'.;■ - . ,-::'•■ Majia h h^ O',; :;....?. ;-H,'Ma- 

HHH H5 no,," '■:■-'■■ ■iV.-': K H'r: ■ ■ . ,,r:. ' : r / :^ ^ i : • 'r , "^ ,"a. :KH;i , 
•<j;:t^p- r '^okof v. cnefxy, o.-:. a :> ;•:;.:• ^ :■■,:';•;■ ::.:', :-;'.-p^a 
conj.opo'*' ,a'-.;i;"i CH vht- : -O'.'-i'ii' ].av;'; . ■ - v .-i •.•.'■ Ti':j;a, mto 
:(TM raiiiHHu hi- -or,.,-: ;'■ ■■r^xi., :t •- :;-.:-: r\:>:.- ,: ■■ ro -•. rjtMH 
He f«:^r; 'xa- -"'vi . . t,i rp..30b;^i;,:;;ii.» ..;,•.-• oi/ g4.;HL 
qaCT), 0:0\''':hO P CHTHOp' Iv4i TO^a. 

Cit;;/ ynr- ,- ^;/-- ; op . ko'^oju' .-cer,;'i ^^.-uii-'iii b Ka-HHax 
[H,iO" c ;.iO i e.Mi' , H crajia .'laMeqaTL o,i,Horo Bi^coKoro c G;Hi<^- 

HUK» JlVi;!,Or/ H JU-Tl/wr HOXOcavil . - ^.,'.. :■"'/ ";; Mlii.; liO,,"- ;' -:'i,lH 
K 4a4t', TO r-Ct; yHTf-:{--0.|.-;^Ut]JU , KaK ;iO KOMaH,^c, liJJlM fc OaHK) 

;i ,;o.Tro i- h* ;■ fbiji/cb, nocjic Mf-ro c/jilho ni)>i:sCTHo;-ajiM Ha 
A awe. 

vJ.itiM*%,:j •^0''- : :'-o--i',', [fivt'!' H' '.'en , plj:-,,h i;3 ?/a.;MHii, 
Hai!: ■ .•,■- ■;.■■: ■' ■' "■ BO,;u . .'or^a oh nK;i v.-a cTa- 

KaHa ROAy, h yHJi^f-Jia Kponb na o'jjjjiare niaHoro pyKDPa ero 



i[}'...n...:Jhk u.A. n aU::k..^j,Ci-'LM.-: ".I.. OAi^H jaa jikhho BVi/^envi, 
KaK 6unyi. ; accTpejiHKij ;;pa RoeHHon;i'-rHHbix vonnKe., oqeEHAHO 6eKaB- 
mwe OT Hew^eB m sarew noJ'MaHKhie. 

'JJi.Ji..^.'o^k 06 3T0V noKasajia: 

"UAHa)K4M, KaK oCbiMhO, H n .tO.u-^.'^jC. Jui patJOTP.jiK Ha KyxHe 

H yciiLiujajiM H' ,ia;ieKO ot ^emvi uiyv.. ohI^.^r 3a ^Eej^b, mk yBMAe- 

;iH AHyx BoeK.'.onjieHHHX nojiHKOB, OKjy:«eHHux HcweuKHMH co^iAa- 

TaWH, MTO-TO fa3"fiCHHBUiMMK y HTej -O-: HU*^} y lUw.., saTeM K H/M 

nOAOLueji ooepcT-Jief^TeHPHT ^^r.^G h mto-to CKa3a;i lOo^. ;:iU 
cnpHTa;iHCh p ctolohv , tiik KaK CoHJiKCb, 4T0 aa nj^OABJieHHoe 

/Ir360nrJTCTHO I v'-.:. HaC H306beT, .iO HaC HCfc-TaKH 3aMeTilJIH, 1« 

MexaHHK .../...;-^C.xi.,., no PHany iu^i, aarHaji Hf.c Ha KyxHw, a 
no.n.HKOB no-c;: p cTOfO.Hy ot Aa^i'. '-ier(.3 neCKOjiLKO mi^hvt mu 

yC-riHUiajIK BUCTpOJIbl. ..ef'HyBilJHeCH bCKOp., Hi"f\-.-:Hf; COJIAaTU / 

wejiaa BHHCHMTb, KaK nocTy;!;^'!^' w y.:H c aaAe] ■>':aHHUMH nojiHKa- 

MH, CHOpa Bb;:iJ/IH Ha yjimiy. UAHOP! fMeHHO C H?:?/!^ h::,i!i.'eA:!iH'' 

qepe3 r;iapHHf^ rxoa asmm aA"H-.TaHT .-t:..,Jn no-n- ?." :;-:t^ m?o-to 
cn],0CM;i juc, Ha mto mcjieAHM!- t?.k--^:(- i.j-.-i'---y.v. or.i-'vv.ji: 
";.ce R nO},HA:-^o". -. t/ cjio'-a h ;;OH>ij:''i, t^k ?:hh- .•■■: Hfv.vj.i qhCTO 
ynoTpH' JiH/in b ra-'-roBOja/. "'f x ^,7 co'.o:-. >..-; iipoKcui' A^i^fc- 
ro H •■•.aK/iwuM-fia, mto :ti; A>-a nojiHKa ]accT| t/iHH.i" . 
AHPJiorKHHue ;!0.;a:-.aHKH no rroMy ponjocy „f^a ruKxe AUi.^...oo- 

i.anyraHMhiP rew, mto iij^omcxoai^jio na ASMf', ^^ .J...,uA, i.!i«. ,-.,.- 



ocTaBHTb pa6oTy Ha ^aye. Bocno;it30BaBmMCb CHMxeHMew mm "sapnjia- 
th" c 9 wapoK AO 3-x wapoK b MecHij e naqajie HHBapH I94Z r. , no 
npeA-nojteHMK) }i.ju\A.^.i)^60.., ohk He buuijiii na paSoTy. 3a hhvm b tot 
we fleHB BeqepOM npi^exa;iM Ha wauiKHe , npuBesjiM Ha ^emy k b Hana- 
saHwe noc&AKJivi b xojiOAHyio - UyL.Jx'.^.<uc^' Ha b cyTOK, a AJ.^AGshfjhy 
H KOii/u.ObGrX^; Ha 3-e cyrOK. 

iiocjie Toro, naK ohk OTCHAejin stot CfiOK, kx bccx yboakjik, 
3a BpeMH CBoe{^ pa6oTH Ha ;;aMe j-j-iLAJ;.LBA, ..io_n.,-.u^A h 
i-COiiAy-UbCrlL. fiOHJi/.ct Ae-nnTBca ^pyr c Apyrow ceoiimh Ha6jiw;ieHHfl- 

MH 060 BCBM TOM, MTO H?. A^Me npOKCXOAKJIO . An:iJb 6yAy^H a],CCTO- 

BaHHHMH, cm,;h p xo-TOAHOi', HoqtKi OHH no;i, o6 ^To^•, 

]:.i'^.L....o-,A Ha Acnpoce ot 24 AenadpH i';-*i3 roAa noKa3ajia: 

"T-APCB MH BnepEwe noro ^-opHjii! OTKfOBeHHO o tom, mto m&- 

jiaercrf na Aa^e. /;' psccKanajia pcc, mto r^Hajia, ho oxaaajiocb, 

MTO H ..U.J.,.Oi:>J..^-. H A.^, ..Jw.iiii TaKnP 3HaJi;{ RCe 3Tl^ .^aXTbl, 

HO TO/«e, Kan m h, CoHJiMCb ropopMTb wne of^ 3tom. lyT :% h 
ysaajia o to«', mto h^mw b ".\03bH:x i'opax" paccTft:;i;^:-a.Ti'. 

MMeHHO nO/il.CKMX B0eHH0n;i-H;.liX, TUK KaK --^.....C.^.l.A ; e. ■; -Ka- 

aa^ia, mto OHa oahh^ah oceHbio i-?4i roAa mjia c pa^'-OTti i< ;!/w- 
ho hum' -na, KaK H' Muu r-.&roHHJiv. h ^t- c '* !03bn" 6o.'ibuiyK) 
rj ynny BOeHHon;ieHHhix no;iHKOB, a -.iUTnu cJiHUiajia t .-tom woc- 
Te CTrejibgy". 

AHajiorHHHLie noKaaaHna o6 dto>: AajiK -'aK.xe o^..--.a h ao../.- 


ConOCTPBl^B CEOW HhC-TK'Af'HMH , /■. '.J.,....-, ',.... ,.u../-. H .cU.wi..:ii- 

C/tAH npKfUJiK K Tper'AOMy y6e:+tA';Hww, mto h aprycTe v. cew^Hf.Le Mt-;CH- 



i:ax Il''ii. ro,;a- hp. ;;aMe p " lOr-.tHx ^ opax" Ht,?/iuif,'/ n] oi<r';HO,;n;iKc> 
naccopue f-ccTjf.ji'u ho(,hho;ij!''Hhlix .'io.thk'Ob. 

;.'-iKO..''hHKH /T...r..iC..„'.-.U. no;iTpe]'>;,-;t>.:-';'"CH no-<a.".aH;!/i*';^ < {• o?-;a - 
A.-r,.X!,..-jA I..;ixa'/J]a, :-otot 'w th'. ■ ::>- :•• ,:■ : ;■;■„ c;-oe!- {a'/OTii Ha 
flE: Me 0'"OHl>;'' iV'ti. TO^iH [ ^ocK?. nin '-a;;a c •oil:-: h-- ^..:•^;• hxhx iio i:o.o- 

"uH<- "■■■• .^ojirn ir.'v :o ;■■•■• ro^-o: ;','?;" , - no-rar-.aji .-. ...^....d 

[(i'^OTaTB CTjaujHO t: oh-: h^ --HKfT, KSK f-;- o'^'"y,,a p.u] '-r.TiCH. 
.^OT'/lfi. K '' r-r: fi:!;i'pf,;i, ::oM--f.'y •.•• -''; c:::.h''' , T;^ ror c; K;ia , qro 
B .T'':y OHf'H}: Mac7o c.u:::inTC/i ;■"";■;:!':?;. iu,;f?t - .,. i , !i; r,,,/i „o«.'or, 
OH'r c-'e:-?!;:?; r'he no cpki't;/, mt j '- ."f cy "..'i-F;' . :.:;," Ht;r:u,i 
[ [.r---^ ;•;■;• ^-j:. •? li'uiKKO}-. .- ;.iC.T-:jf: ■■ , ", ■■ ■ j^k- \\\. c^j oi'O i:j. ■ - 
,yi:[' „.-.., ■••fj-'.: -)H^' '0.-}a;t hi'.-0",/ j', ;'T0" h- ] a j;-r-a:-u!-a.ia, 

i.OKa.-'aHi:>i o ;! ;i}-o,i,' hp. " orov .':,." o HhO'i/.' hhlx nj;iH.--Oi' 
h • ("'cTi LJii»'H r-r v:;-f:>'i' v ^u-; u M^jio-fK, no,, o,:;'.ho; ;.-" wvivyvrA 
cOj'iAPT, .;;:;:" ;■ .,: ynu C! i;^' ■:^'';i/ , „oni OiU' hh;.-' ,i:' ■.•;-p ;! lio;- .or/c- 

Q.vy\ : .■>■■'' ■ -.1. - KJ'.CTLHurH xvTOja "..o.-an iOjr:", j i.:-.u.,..i ^i'.:> 

I.. I', - n.'iOTiii'K f^'^aHri'ii -.jacHu'' '';: >- .fi-'i.iiicKnf .;' cy , i...A..oD J./.. 

- GuP.'i^M. CT. I't-f r,^Oi-o !■■ ra.>>H" >:■"■; '.■•lo .' ca, .^.-.....r-. ....:. i..:,. 

- j;(:yvpHb;'" no to:' •->. '■:'.•■';'/, A^.„...'... : : .r.. - n: • MCe„RT(J!t r:o;i- 
xoae A^:\ . "OJ..OK, ^^..,^...1... •..,,. - c;- / nanr: .yn] i^HCKOi* : • ; khk 

e,TK Chviaf Tf^-.TK CJj ..:::: RJi J' m hkct; < .iu, j 6p,v- ■•^a'^.,;:* ch v^r- ;:' ca na 
" .!oaf I'x - oj^iy" . 



Uco6o pa---Hoe anaMeHMe ;;j1h BbiHcnr huh Toro, mto ui,ov.c/.o^ 
Hfl. ;iaMe b " io.iBnx /0}ax" oceHtK; I'/ix r., irfeioT noKa^aHi^H njo-iec- 
copa ac-r.oHor'i'n, ;;n;»'KTO;a o'-'Cj BaTOf hh p. 'JMO-i^HCKe - x^^.. -. .,.»:. B- 
CnUiU :.^. 

iipo^'-ccop J/.;.... ,/..;..;„. B ru.fBue ^hv. o-'Kynan.MH HeM:;&;'n Gmo- 

jieHCKS 6ujI HacMJiKHO Ha.-^Hf-.MCH iif'n 3e.!,', KfiMa.-;} Hi^'-a roj o.^a /ovjro- 
MHCTia/, a HaMajiFHiiKO?' ro: o,i,a '<•,:;! naru-f: 'i. h !f.M::a;'H a„BO.-:aT 
Iv.iLi.L.../..'j.i. .'.i., ^nocj,t;;,'-^7 ^/ii ;, > ^1.:/; ;-''fCT« c hhi.:;!, nj i.,;?;-"' ;:l , 
no;i}-..'',OHa^^.::7'-C/! ono'] .w ^o -epMew y H^f/eiiKoro Kor/aH,;oi'aH'.iH k b 
MacTHOCTK ;/ :<o»'K-v;c. nra CwojifHCKa . oii--^^.,'A. 

1. Haqajie cohthGjh i.'-^ti r. ...... i... , u u... o^paTn.TCK c upocLfioi; 

K ,..*...i,.-..'.i i-.,j - 7.o^aTa!-c? .'OpaTB npj'f;^ Kore: ^aHTOM ;oh-u.-..-.u ot. 
ocBOf'o>:,ifHiiH H.-5 jiar-pH hOPHHOnriOHHHx '■ iic6 nc^cjrora .....i-i..w..Ui u. 

hunojiHH/i OTV njoci.f'y, ;',.iLui'a *.»: oGjaT/Jicn k ■ OH-i..^/.>^j ■/, :',aTo?,', 
noj-;^8;i r.A- j..,,,r^w..w.,.j , hto ero iiroc-^^a hc wox't tj^?}. y,,o;-;i('Tp.opeHe, 
TaK K8K no c.nopar jx:)h-^-:'..,'a "nojiyqeHa /:,npeKTHKa h.t F.f'p.TKHa, 
nj r4n/chiBaKjr;aH HeyKOCHi'Tf;jibHO npO:',o,^wTh cauM'- ;--rCTKM'/ | ':.^mv! k 
OTHOiL'-.'HMM poeHiiOn;if HHux, He .^onycKa>-: KUKaKnx no c;iafi;if:Hi5i- b dtov 
BOnroce" . 

"/I Hf.'BOjTbHO BO^ra.-^^^i, - no/anaji cbiw Te^iK JiJ i...:.f>jAi;.., - 
"mto ;+:(; vo:^? OtiTh xooTMC cyu-fCTByKivfTO B jispf^'pfc p.:f:;iMa?" 
liii.iiiiiAii'i:: crpaKHO nocvorj rji Ha yenp n, h&i<AOHV.?<.iii-iC.h ko vne, 
TKxo OTi-PTUji: "' o--i:rT ojjtb! l-'yccKHf^, no Kfai'hei' re]- , ;^avi! 
Cy^yT yMMpaTi), a bot BOf'Hi-:on/ie,HHux nojiHKOB np^,^^7oy(:HO n] octo 



"Kan ran? .iaK nxo nOHv^varb?" - fiOcxn/xHyji h. 

"'•OHUf'aTB Hfv;0 B GyKHa^TbHOM CWUCjIC. rXTb TanaH „Mp*,-KTKBa 

M3 DepjinHa" , - oTBeTKJi ;. i..Ll--Ai I.,. M TyT He nonpocn;! mchh 
"paAK Bcero cbhtoto" HHKOwy oC ^tok- hc roBoj htb. . ." 

"Hej;e;iH qejer* A^e nocjie onvscartHoro Buaie pasroBopa c 
.'^ciix-,-. fl, 6yAy4H CHom y H'^ro Ha np/e-Me, ne y^frpaiaji- 
cfl n cnpocMJi: "'-ito c;il.uoho o no;iflKax?" 'JjunhuJ^'i.:. nove^nviJi, 
a noTO?.' Rce ne ©•"peT/Ji: "G h/vh vko noKOjiMOHO. :OK-ii.D::.i, 
CKeaaji ?.5He , 4to ohk jaccrjejiflHu r^e-TO H'^a^ioKO ot Cuojibh- 
CKa" . 

■"bMjiH Mor- t &CT( pHHKOCTt, . ..i.i-w-I'i... cHOBa npfcAynje^KJi 
MGHH Heo6xo,;^:»'OCTH A*{ '-^e/rB nro „ejio b CTpor-a:>aieM ceKpere 

K tib.Ter/ CftLjl "06"HCHHTf." UHt; JIV.HV.K UQhe^eHV^H H' MUfc fi E ?TOM 

Eonpoce. Uh CKar-eui, mto ].?iCOTj'f^ji no.a>!.-<OB hejihc-tch ?, l-chov b 
o6u;ei' uenn npopo^KMO*: i'<^'pvaHHt f aHT^inoju-cKoi- iiojirTKKi', oco- 
fieHHO oGocTpuhiuei'CH p cph3K c .laKjiK.yeHKew pyccKO-nojiiCKoro 
Aoropoja" . 
i>A^ .*.-.. i-;.OAi^. Tajc-re paccKa^aji Cnc-nviajitHO".' .-.OMMCcnH o CEoei' 6e- 

ceAe c 30HAef(|)!0T r;T:OM ^-po OTA'^-J^a HeweriKoi' KOMBHAaTyj^u r..i-.^^Uu. 

- uj.v.CjB.jit^.vckv.v H(:m\f.}', xoj.o:uo ro?0|Hxi^M ro-_:yccKM: 

"I'ypm'Uflhp, C UMHl'MHOt OT-';j.OB( HHOCTbK P.ilHhV.n t'He, MTO HC- 

TOj ;<Mf;cK/ aO:<a-'''^Ha bjcahoctb in;:.-i;:ob m v.a if nojiHOP.CHHOCTi-.a 
noT-)f.'y yt/eKhmeH/c Hece;ieH«K ^lOjihuivi ■ao(.:ay^:v[t y,,oopeKMeM hoh-bu 
M co«AacT BOSMOKHOc-Tb ;;jiH px-;jnt ^-Hi^H KK.THeHHoro npocTjrahCTr-a 
PpT'MaHMi:" . r. 3tO'' cbh.-iH i'>a l.x;.,.l„ c CfiXRajibCThOM ]:ac:Ka3aji, 


OHa iiOBomcHa.paccTptjWKa h nKKJiKMena b ;iarepK" . 



IIoKaaaHHfl BA^-iu.ciBCAUru noATBepxcfleHH onpoujeHHUM CneuM- 
ajiBHoW KoMHCCMeJ^ CBHAeTejieM-npodeccopow ;tiM3MKK i^.i^:.Ubudl i..;-:., 
KOTOpowy Ba; iu.iLi>CrX- Tor^a w.e oceHbio ib'^i r. paccKaaaji o 
CBOeM paaroBope c liJ^i^L'uJ-A'i.L^.Z. 

^^OKyMeHTajiBHUM noATpefX/iRHKeM noKa^aHMp 3A:.i-.^^U..Uiu 
H lL*i.!:Ui^A HBJiflWTCfl cotcTEeHHOpywHbie sariKCM ......i.^.. ,.,./•., c^e- 

JiaHHbie MM B CPOeM fijIOKHOTe. 

oTOT 6JI0KH0T, coA-.p"'«amK!''- B ceoe 17 HenojiHux crpaHHH, 
6un o6Hapy:4{eH b Renax iopo^CKoro yniatJieHHH C\AOJit;HCKa noc- 
Jie ero ocbo6o5«a<-hkh r^pacHOi! Apv'iieM. 

IipHHaA^e:KHOCTb yKaaaHHoro SjiOKHOTa , ....LtLkriAJ k ero 
noqepK yAOCTOpepeHbi KaK noKasaHMHVH .I/i. i-...^,u..ui u, xdi-Ol^o 
SHawmero none^K .'.... .,^.ij ..ti, Tan h rpa-^ojiorMMecKoi' o.-:cnep- 


Cyflfl no KMOfomMMCH b 6jiOKHOTf Aaraf, (,ro coj\eiKt.HviQ 
OTHOCKTCH K ne|,KOAy OT nepBbix AHe;"' aBrycTa .Vti roAa ao 
HOflfipa Toro -i^e roAa. 

B micjie pasJinqHiix'eTOK no /.o:^HvcTb^.u>iuv bonpocaM 
/o Apo;Hax, 00 sjieKTpoaHpprnii, roproEjie m njOM,/ wreeTCH 
pHA aanncer, CH-^aHHhix . -..x ...... x,..;^-;.., OMebiiAHO, ajih naMHTz, 

KaK yKasaHiiH H('Moukoi" KOveHAaTypu CMo;ieHCKa, 

ii3 STMx sanMce-/ ,40CTaT0HH0 qoTKO BU].MCOBbiEaeTCH Kpyr 
BOnpocoR, KOTOpbiMK 3aHi^Ma;iocb l^np-chJieHvie popoAa, KaK opraH, 
Bfaino/iHHBuiHi^ Bce yKa.^aHUH Hever.Kon KowaHAOHaH/K . 



na ne] pux 'r{(;x crifiHuuex C;iOKHOTa liO^T o^ho m.-uioh. 
noiH^OK 0! rf;HM3aunM ebpei-CKoro "rtTTo" i: c/c'tMa ] fjri].fcciij', 
KOTOpi-se AOJirrpu y r-hpoHf nj •/veHH"'LCH. 

ha r'vifi.Hvii-;e j.0-o:', mve'-icHHofl 15 ahrycTf- .. n ro,;a, 

."ilif. Mt-TCH : 

"I-CeX ^- ■•■■? '-,:-l^-. nO.'i ■r'Oh BOf-HHOIIJli HHI^IX 3. .^crA-ilKaTL 

Ha cTjaHi^:'- l.,-ov ' ; t :■ ,,■.•;';;' r<?ir:i-caHO: 

";.04HT JIM C]',,!' H- '-' ji' ;•;;■ n c;:yxi: o ]accr{ ^;;e no.-} ;;kkx 

BOeiiHOnJlOHHblX B :iO:' . TOJ . /.. MHOPy/" . 

iia n« } pof- 3f!n/0K «PCTpyt;7, i-o-::« : bux, mto II a;-rycT& 
r.-'il ro,i,n FOf Hiior;.-' i-!':' : "i;^ .' -';■ .;; n^ /.i,,/-;i'''F b pai'.OKO Cwo- 
;iiHCKa 11, PO-BTO} ::.ix , UTO oHi" f-. «-CT^Oi-b;"-a.Ti'Ci H( mi ;••,.-:;; i.'.i^ EJiac- 


!.T0| an ■•^.aiincB cpi»,; t' o tom, mto H(»'t:;KOe ko- 
MaH40>^aH;:f. , o6' cnoxof.;; O' ho;^ •"J-i'OCTfc'-ci ii_ OHi^.cHOhOHi'H c.iyxop 

O COBf.jUihH Hot/ V\V H] C'"y!!.iiHHH H <" ; ' ^y Tf fa.-:4aHCK0 TO -iaCf;.! •;- 

HMK, cnti:najiBHO ^ yk-a.-'aH^fH o ji^jhcrKt; r-^Toro cnoero n]e^- 

nO.TO;KOH/H . 

jl..ii:r., KOTOjui' y ::"'}■:' Hh ■ --r-/ u •!i;:i'cM, bi.n na uij;I:HI'.-:om 
pyc 'KO/ r.o.iKr.i^/ Cmoji* HrjKa h .. j !'.-> •'■ c--;::j • ro OKKynai:!*/.. 


.lofi^ V . .iiL, i'.j,..^.. .Uj. i.r^^J ^O .TLi^xijl 

iHHOM i.J-i^-nO r.r. O&'TtH HOeHH:-iq OtjCTaHOK :-'?). i.t;2K0 l'a-,:,H;'.- 
/laCb He H nOJlbSV Hf;>1i;fiB. UO-^HH iH MO:':h oOhcTCKOrO uOhj?.H BOe J'c;;- 
JlUBaj'dCh, -ri^UHi'HMe uwur c CO- • :v-: \" ! ■ '-'io. ,0!,'ri; '■:::'.":^ :^ -•< 
Ha nncBOKannK), iicno;ib30Bap ;-;ia :5to.' :',-iji.i JiJior^-.-HH/m, cot-rj ,,-;HH:.;e 
HK«/ B .^TKHCKO!' .'lecv , '^ no^iivfrriH IK )prm%M uoi-.utcko, h::-xCT:^.. 
<J7-m:, OHH raccMMTi:Ba>i;i nocco[.iiiTB n''ccKi<x c no/.H/.f-:' m /(aMecTn 
cjio.jiu CBoero np'.CT-T.;i -huh. 

bHaiMftHHHK cp;:'.. .•''n'^i^H') ovojit- HCK'T po o-H.a A . i.i..'riio&,i!':H noA-a- 

",..".oc^T;? wTariHHrpaflCKnx co&?JTHi., Korr,'L HHv.-rj: roM^BOTnOBa- 

0''ir< roHiv :-;, 'JTO "Heh^:!K CBO:i .';e;ia noi;- . ;■ ■-■?". 

i.n'.icT^'iijfb X mrroTOBKe KaTKHCKo.. n'<oBo-'a:!i'!/, H-;i/:ih, b nur^- 

P"'0;B, .latlHJUlCb i O ;-!(.; KaWil " 01, %"»i,-T' '/leil" , OTOni^' I-or;:;; ' (, 

noA Bosr^si'f''^ '■':!??' 'TOBOpop, nof^f^na iiJi;* ^Tr.oa t'^tb 'iy-r-iK',' 'lej/.-iaf: 

rj-i'M' ifi-ic. He'uioB r!^'.;Bj;'.;K ii;>o^.;ib .h. = i,. H.i c-oe» x^'Tor-.; 6;iK-,-<e 
BC'^- • ..m^ B "..03b:ix >o-)'i.x" ,<-,hc.ThHHV.H .'ce.ieb !.arv.r;H ] vspw.iio- 
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KasaHHfl, KaK 'a ot MeHH, 

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93744 O— 52— pt. 3 5 


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Hto' I V--- •• "MO Hn "lor'c^e ! ocKBa-. ,;>hck, pro;-. - . • ;- ■■ i-;;,o;'}/.:7'';! r'\v>' 
T'ihm;! r>vnr.)H?H' •■ r it.oTi . 


Oi/Huep saHBW-a MHe, hto h n"Taw, mto h He for pcrpeMaTB no- 
jiHKOP Ha fnocce. Tan Kan OHii pf.ccTcej:HHt\ fcojihmeBitKawH, h .Tpt-6oBP*;i, 
MTOfiH H MweHHO o6 3T0M :i noK%:.a.j]. n, 

Rocjie jiJinrejihHHK vrpoa h ^''roB^.puBaHHfl o^^.Huep nocoBf;TOBa;icfl 
o qeM-TO c nepeBo;m:iKOM Ha Hhue-.iKOP. FftHKe, m nepeeor^MHK Tor^a 
HanHcaji KopoTKMJi npoTOKo;! i^ -a;: wne ero nf. nn,-n;icij, o5"flC.iHB, 
4T0 SAech H3;i0!KeH0 coA'.f-i'aHHe mohx iiOKa.-.aHH;:. .-i, non;)OCM7. nt'p^'BOA* 
Miii^a /-aTb i.'He BOSf'.OHHOCTb ^a('0^••"• nr^oqecTb npoiCKO;!, ho tot o6op- 
Ba;i i.'enH fipantK) h nr3H<asa;i Hr;f'e;';;eHHO -Mi: nor,nwcaTb oro ;•! ^'fjvipfiTh- 
CH BOii. /; rouejiJi^An mhh"t^^, vuvuborM'AK cxb-ith^t BiiceB-^v-o Ha cTene 
pen/HO?y'o avO'ihkv ;» saraxir-jicH Ha f.eHK. ..ocjie ^Toro h nor,n'.ica;i 
nonc^^HVTbiti K'He npoTOKO.':. iiepepO""!'K CKaca.i, MTofb. ;? vc-pajic^i 
flOt/Oii H HMKOf,!^' He oojiTaj], HH^qe I'eufi paccTpejiHioT. . ." 

i.OHCKi' "c:'ii,';'?TejieM" He orp-titnMii.ii^cT-, hci3H''-,H!m,),i:! .•:."■■. v:^, 

.■le^'I',K' HnCTOi'.U'!PO C.T\'> ■■.f.'ACh ;'-•',«■.: C.-aTI, OMBI'HX. COT'. "T. --'-I 'OR ...O, H 

stCTH ^--^TB '/■' r.'iTB HvvHHe f.jiR -iKx jio>-:Hre HO ^ar ai'.IlH . 

ujivqaiiHO -^i.n CTDB'iB f/KBiuero ; '1.' O'lero p.p-v-*:a j:.\,\., uM.o;ieH- 
CKOii oft;]-,cT;i i;i'.;ALvr. Hj.L., Het'Ub' ynopHO n^'T'-'f.; yrpoa m HsC'^eHvi; 
A06mb-.ji!1cb ot Hero A'-tb nOKacannfl o to? , mto oh, rko6h, PH^.^riCP, 
He pa5oq'»H rapaKa, a raorjeooM 'A .t,!mho boquji na paccTpe;: BoenHO- 

niieHHbDC nOJl«'KOB. 

l.o 370*^\r BO!i"Ocv ilPHaTKjK .j.jx. l^o^ ror,a 'po^j[Qi^"if^ , noKa?ft;! : 
"rcOr/:a p. (.hji e n;-pBK.i m h-\ j[onroc^ y HrV'.a".>,Hir:a r-'^.iir-^!! 
A.m..;eoqH'<a, oh, o6bi'HHR rh;HP •- ■•'.n 'Tansin hdothb H';K't''K-:->; :-.:■ c^'"-.:, 
cnroc'/Ji.Kew fl r^a6oTaji b ..An,,. ■. ev^' otp';tii;i, mto h r' .'^oth.': p ra- 
pa)?^e '^np ■-BriCiiiifl r.-^, v.Mo;ieHc:-^o'i oDJi .ct:^ k rcaM- CTr-(> n-toMero. 


Amt)epMJiK Ha .9T0M we Aonnoce CTaji ot uenn r^ot^AnaThCH , M?o6hi h 
CM^' /'.aJi noKaaaH/fl o tow, wto h DaDoTa/i b '^r.pnBneHnvi fiAU^, ne 
paSoMWM rapa»a, a tao'i.epoM, 

AJivr^-ikn;, He no.vr^vlE OT I'.OHH HvacHUX noKaaaH'^ii, 5kji cw/ii>HO 
pasflpaKeH w BwecTe co c hohm a;^"K)TaHTOK', KOToporo oh Htst Baji 
ir.opH, aaBflaa^i'/ MHe pojiob^' h poT KaKOii-TO Tp^nKoi;, riinnyi c i^sh;? 
fipioK;*, noJiOKW.TH iia cto/. i: nanajiM Cktb peanHOEuvn najiKaMM, 

noc;ie ?»Toro weHH ovpTh Pb!aBa;in Ka ^onpoc, m /iji^.x"i.irc Tpe- 
6oBa;i OT mohh, mtoOk h ;:a;i eMy jiowHhi^ noKa?aHH/? o tov,.mto norib- 

CKMX O^-MUepOB B .-J^TUHCKOM JieCV pSiCCTT!' :Jinn'A OnT'^-Hhi,., B 1 .^'tw r. 

Mevi MHe, HKo6b!, Ka-f^- no'.-epv, yMacTBOB.aBi:ieM^f « nc^peBOSKe v.onb- 
CKHK cx'^viiiepoB B /.aTHHCKHM Jiec V! ^pHCVTOTBOBaBme^«v npw MX paCCTpft 
;iR, H3B ctho. Kp:i Moev corjiacii;! ;i,aTb TaKwe noKaaaHiiH, A;]-. epquK 
oSeqaji ocBO^OA'iTh Menq Ma TMpBf.N n ycTpoHTfc Ha pnGOTv b no;!vi!;:iKj, 
rfl-r )'Ht- ev;\vT coa;:,,ariH xo.'O'riH'.' •"c.noh/.H )k:!?h;i, h npoT :bho!,: ^e c;iy- 
yae ohh venn paccT^' .ih-ot. 

iiocne;;HKii nas i-eHH b nojiHnnM ;,onp uiMBaji c;;e,':o&-i.Te;!B /iJii-.ri.- 
UT.;i,,rtj£., KOT0T)rk ?p-6oBa;i ot rOHFi thkhx we no-v.auK noKaaaHMii o 
p .cc'T'pejie noiiBCKHX d. mi-'.-pob, Kax ;i r.-^^..; i-i.-., ho / v H«ro Ha 
Aonpnce n 0TKa3a;iCH naBaTh BHMt.i.jieHHK*^ noKa.-aHHH. 

Hocjie 3Toro jionpoc-i hghr on;iTJ> -Aat'/An n OTnp .^.wjiw b rocrana 
... b recTano ot r.eHH Tpe6n&a.i/! T'ik «e, kik :• b nojiiiuii;^^ 
jioxHHx noKaaaHMk o pacciperie noj!fc<-K>ix o-./,^!; ;poh b .vaTb;HOKOM j;ecv 
B I/-tJ ro;iv coBeT-CKMHH bjic.cthv.h, o Mev ^'H'.-, :<aK lioJier", HKOf<b', 

tiaBf.CTHO" . 

b Haf.aHHOK ropnai)CK.i!i! iJiHHCTe-'CiTBOf/. iiHO< Tf ..HHr:iK /leji Knnre, 
B KOTOoou 6Hnn noHe;i:eHK cr.jaot);iK08nii.i:,'.- leMiiawM Ma?' ;i i.ihi no 


-aTHHCKOM^" .",i./iv"^ -r. ore -".lOf nnvToro Hh^-^e .... u^,^. w-i ...j., lkjih 

HaSB-'iHtJ E K^M CTPe " CB'/. ,\0T ■,'.•; .;" l^,..v^v.^, /<)H v,^ . w, ■ ..^^/, I,-'"' 

Ai ..Dv.-^.u'i^^^ i.faaH, 1-..'1..> I'oru po'#; e i'.<.H n ^•.....: . ....TBe,; , I ... ro;ia 
PH'-;e /ro,n,^3ot- i i>H.r:b}-i-- r--; ':■■•/ vf.-- .".•{ b i ■•,u i\ ^.i ochOLo>;-..:-:'4" 

^n:).::^.HC.KO\i OCJI ;.CTH .t'X).C!iOK .■>.;.:!• I'.H.. ; Clr,-."..' -. • ,- Oc! /..:i,;,!' J- , 

''•■-HK H'-!.c.i;ibHO, K f:or';ie;:ti;n; - o'ix.\rOfc . ■:?•'' .. - ' ; i- ■. (••••.;] !k 
Ha rT>iHunvi './M').',".-HCK, [■lO^T'..'- '•. V.: w H«'«.r-_K c:'--;.; "). ■ ■'. 
nOBKe ---'.T-K'.^, ''h;i [)-i?biCKai; - -on; '-r, .i ,.:: ■ • ..bho.. ,,ov;;ii;. .■.,-, . 

H^'v !• ■'" ;:t.'-! -q, :i: •.■•/k no ",.;.??,' "i-'if- ;i(r-\'" : 

".V Hi.';-.;.'. •■ .. -^'i i. iv- i(;-,., - po-i .-' .ji . . '••. • )■-, - KO I'tie hh 
KB'i'T'iiv 11'.::..;;! •"-■uT'T '■;'H.': . .!!■;;: ■-■ : ■ >c:\.;i, ;,;••/;;: -lO ■• 
H>i -^HiK., ;: c^"\--'\r., mto r;- n- -: ■ • i ■ ' ■ • n. 

'or;:-', n ::■ •■ ■ ;: ? -'i ■-:•" r:), -n- .- ■ .•. , .• :.■■.-• ;:■ ■.'■..:- 

Ka 3cnB'4/i 'He: "..;« :r' 1 eC'TMO, •■-" > .■• ■ -^ .■ '••■ ; ; v 'Mx c? , 
Li!""j.r i!"K-:'t;i''T' .-..] ->a.H ;: ;■;/;:—" ':o u:-' '"t, •"■. ■- ^ ■. .-,-.. . i^. ^..-^ 
iu>KO;;-;HCK :;.:"■.•.■./-.;.:, I b ' on; • O'-^-h ")::."' ■ ■• ' , . ■ t , ■" ;h- 
lUIH^ xH-?7sO)-), i:j ;i '^-ro ••).:-; •-.,,< : .n 7: . - ; j . .-. f" v " 03) - 
M[< on", 

ii OTP'-T H'l rtTO ,••■'.., --.}•', ■ • J. . . ^> r j; ^' 

;5ei:C''h''? ;.l:^u . ,.!.,.: ■ .; } ■.. hc- , !.•;■. .■■■/r -. ■' : ,., 

HO rn- ' ' ■- '•T:ur:H/' ri'i.iH;.M';HH/i - ;i i- ;H:.h>,.. 


Ofi-MU-'p CKar-aji »'.Hft, HTO (.cr,-\ h no-y.opamf-Kr' na -^'errm r,'^TB no- 

Kar^aHIIH, TO OH Z'iCT'-ih'AT C'f.J/.J^.Tb TTO HO H ^^^H'l'^KA "•H'/H. . '. OCJlf: 3T'/IX 

cjiOE OH B3h;i p'^3HHOf"':-o jr'^fiiiHKv '.; m^m:;.;! reHfl visGifPaTi. v^cvT'' f.: we- 
HH 'lOJiowMJiM H.H CKawenKv, 11 Q. ir;op nrecTe c nGpt-Bor>"'iKOM 6;ijT.i 
rGHF. Ckojibko 6h;!0 HaHPceHO ^'.nn-'OF, ;; iie riovHio, t.k. BC:<ore no- 
Teofl;i cosHaHwe. 

;vorr^'i fl n'"'Vii'ie;i e ce&P, O' ^wnep noTp'.-fioBa;: ot reHfi nonnncT-Tb 
nf'OTO :OjT r.onnoca, !i h, nwajioj'.vnjHtmHP , noji BOsfleiiCT^iieM noSoeB 
v. yrpo3 f^acoi'r.e.aa, r.aji .'io--<H!!f noKaaaH;^^ 'i no;inHC''.;i npoTOKOJi. 
Hocjie nor.uYiC^'.u'p. nr'■o'^"o:<o,1^l p Oyn h.? recTano OTn"ireH... 

lenoa HecKo;ib'-(o r.a ^■. nocjie MoeT^o B?'?OFa • r--^:Tano, npur.'ep- 
HO B cprf;,'',jv;e KapTa L-xo ro;',a, .-:o j-'H-r na k'^".; ?:!"■"' npumeji n'jpt..>Bo;T." 
UHK y{ CKar-.a/i, mto ;: r,oji^:eH noft?'^ k fi^Kei'Koi-" r -h paji^ M noATRep- 
r^i^Tb T-\M CHOH noKa.^aHHfl. 

•vornt 'K ri[)ur;;m k rencpaji", oh cii,^o';;'.;i '• •l-hh - no;i.TBop<,(r;a.w 
JIM fl CBO!i riOKa?.aH'iH. ,. CKa?aji, mto noATHupynaHj, t.k. e-,e b nvTH 
OH/i nri"nynp3'K,neH rrepi^poriciKO*', mto • c;i!5 p oTKa-'-'Cb tiO/",TB'..'.^flMTb 
nOKas'-.HiiH, TO 'fcnwTaHJ ei'ie ropaa/io xyAUJee, uew nrnMT?-.ji b nnpHHii 
na3 B recTano. 

LOHCB nOBTOp H'/IF nKTO<, P. OTBeTHil, MTO CFOtI noKasaHi'.T noA- i.oTOf- nepoBOHM'jK npMKaHa;i mh*. no/iHHTb Bnepx npanvn; 
p'-Kv w CKaaaji fH.--, mto >; v ahh.i ir^'^cpv^- w vory irt:i aohok" . 

ycTiHo;- ;.''f!0, mto h-'m:u: nt.Ta.r.icfc r.oii^^M.iTB HvxHh^. ;im noKa- 
saHWH, nvA'/oMPH vroHonw, "rpoaK h ;ii;THa-iH'.:>' , n ot ;'.p^'r'.ix jihh, 
B M-1.CTH0CTH OT 6b!Brjero nojou;HH:-:a HaMa."bH;ir:a ut-o.Ti-HCKO, TwpbMbi 
.uVi3.J-../a^j.. ...C., feKBiu^ro pa'iOT jH 'a ""Oi. -•' Tt- ' b; K ..v^.-'.......^-. d.I. 




ycneKOf., h ;>/rbi puCKJie/j:'.! b r.'^i'^i;:' HCKe '. OKrecrntix r^rrrbHAK 

Wf/T -J'-- H;•^- K M'-lC^,:!;:;'; •; 
:!.T0 J'0'!':t,T ;^.Tb ; .M'i=t; '' "' ■ '■ . •; '' •,r-7-o, '•'::■,:- 

i.,eHHoe t.o;:fc!r h:\v.'xu:'. h ^.-x.. i _■ • ■. ::.. ; ;. ■ ■ :■ .; ■'.•■a 
o^r>;/.-V!4 A C'^^f: :•::•: -rK^^Vii B ^^.-.C" x>3b;i ro: i ../•::-. .o : ofc e 
i 4-'.fw"0; - -■^Th.H ? 

iTO H .t.i .,"■ r. .:- r r' ■ .i-'TOt-.T!.' OT -H :).o-. -• ..03b:« ro;') 
;!.■•• 11 

KTO H::",i-.Ji ;u;;i '■. ; ; ... '■''• ~-;=k ? 

v>^ .■ :; '■ i,ih .- ..r >. ../ r^i- n .••-.. \r- h • ;• •■, '• • ... ;; ;. . 

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j'-.-'o-- -• oc- " 

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01. HK r-v. ■-, -n.- 




:ia''Hji'^ c no^ "Ch;ir,'T-^;; ,:" , mi^mik: nr act ■'r n:\n\i k coot- 
BeTCBTywu;!-:; nor»roTOBKe >or>iJi b ,iTHic-:o- ^-^'-cv: k 'irLPTmc -/n 
o;'..?Kjib: "6'/Tbix ;ir;< no;ib':<'.r< hO' HHon;ieHHKx. Hce< -.OKvr'"HTnp, no*'e- 
«teHHKK r,aTaM'i no?;iM--o ">' .•;? i /-t ^ -^or'i, t.-"^, Hre?oM:t, -r^rn'-, 
cor.n\nm -ier- ■■ 'o; "• "):.okh"/om . ).. j; .: c;:;!, n,"." ■•/ '.r;r.i r cc?- .-.p.- 
Hh' 6o;ib:H;B;iKaMM ; k " ■ .;:o;r,r-j pc,;- Rei^ or-^p ;m'.'>: rOKa.-nTi'^^LCTB, 
f':on""Hx onpofe": ph^tb ti' ■-: ; n-OBOK-w'-;ro.M->. b- r c-iks, 

Pace;; -i r,OE .H :;■■?.■ ^n'ri^iV'-CbriO,; ao?';'cc:';i •'•ct i : i .:■ h'') , 'iTO .lyiH 
•^TO,. ■■ ;.;; :v •?.;'• '(.Hii Ck.;: >^(■::'>..} . >.. .■. '-cok/h ;-o iihior;. 'i-w'. 
m:;;/io? "O -v^^, q ...:;••»;-■ , ■ v.-:- a ...,oH0 otoI' ■ .nr.:-- :::' :i -v ■ ^^ . ^ -h.^o- 

^n-:!""'i7bM H .Q'-Ac.r"Ay :- .CT'^ Ji- .r . 7 " TOM ;icj;--i iiK» / c:--;::. -- 

TeJIfcCFwIM.l nOKH.- -iH ,*tK:i HO •jTON" POri'OCV, 

H? HMx oco6orj BHHf-aH'.iH sixcn^'yv.h-'uoT nOKaaaH^H BpaqeBHoro 
nencoHajia vnovHnyToro r:xrev.E, 

sr.'aM iju.UD A.T., pa6oTaBiu:ni b .'lar^ipe .'.- I^o k /" ji OKK^'iia- 
UHM Hejfl'avM Owo.ieHCKa, r:oKa?a/i: 

"... iTpMHepHO B HaM;i.jie ManTa i-ecnm Ij-ao rc^a H3 Gfn;i-;H- 
CKoro ;!ur(-:">p POcHHOn;ieHHKX . i^^, /.p mv.;.", , f.o.Te .:.' ■.r-' •;:;-■;! 
KrenKMX. r/. iinx, oroC'; ..m t,.!.;;o HeCh:o.,}.. ,■ ;• :-".'., otv.\' .:.:- 

MeCTPOf. r,o -jOv MijiOBHK, /•;(>•: ■! ;!:■ 'ip.. ■',.:, ■. y' • , m . •- i:..ire 
r/itOT-:. M' J ■j:'p:-^!. i : .,,!-•?:. .;,- :<?;?■; i^i ; :■ k h :. .r h :■ ^ ,;• ;:- 

ch" . 

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Ha KaKOft-TO nojiRHKe y hkh. Oh yB:iji.oji, naK rpvnny BoeHHonjieHHWx 
oTRejiwjiH OT oCmeii ttfiCCH, rioTHajiH K Kw.e, a saTeu CTajiH paccrpe- 


bOfcHHonjieHHwe aaBo;iHOBajincb, sixm^'uesiA, saflBJirajiHCfc. neRAJB- 
KO OT ^-.IWOdA HecKOJibKO qpjiOBeK BoeHHOn;ieHHbix Ha6poca;iMci> aa 
oxpaHV, flpvpHe oxpuHHHKM no6e?ca;iH k aToy.v uecTy. oiOruc boc- 
nojibaoBajiCH sthk woweHTOM saweiaTt ./ihCTsa ;^ 6pocHJicH 6e».'aTi> b 
TeuHOTv jfieca, c;iHiua sa co6oii kpkkh h nucTpenu, 

Ilocjie 9Toro CTpauHoro pacr-Kas'i, KOToptik Bnesajicfl h wow 
nawHTB Ha B c:o khshb, Mne ^iUxO.w. oqeHt h^vjib h h npocH;ia 
ero sai.TH ko mhr b kohhutv oTorpeTBCA i* c^phbaTbCH " uenn no 
Tex nop, noKa oh He Ha6epeTC« chji. iio Uvr^ti ne cor;iacH;iCH. , , 
Oh CKaaa;i, mto bo hto f)K to h'/ ceroflHA hombio yw^eT a no- 
CT'-t-oaeTCK npo6p^t.TbCH qepes ;imhhw-v OHTa k m^ctf)' .lO-.CHOii /idmhh, 

fio b 3T0T BeMGD A^iui'or. He viueji. ;.a vTpo, Kor^i a noipjia 
npoBepwTB, OH OKasajicfl n can^e. rian bdhchh^iocb, hombki oh nhi- 
Tajic« ykTH, ho nociG Toro, KaK np men I'lirop uf^bnecf^T , noMVB- 

CTBOBaJl T'1.KV!0 CJia60CTb, MTO BFHV«f;reH 6UJI BOS BpaTHTbCfl . 'o7ir.V.y>0 , 

CKasaj'OCb E-itiTe/ibHOe ;iCTOij:eHwe b ji'irure v. ro;!o;', noc/re/iHHX 
AHeft, .bi pewwjiH, UTO oh ei),e ,^^eHb-;IBa noO'^neT ^^ r hw c Tet!, mto- 
6n OKpenH^'Tb. HaKopwHB wioi'o.-.i., fl yrj/ia na paf^oT^'. 

aorr^a BBHeoo*.' h B03Bp'i.Tn;iacb jiouoti, yovi coce;iKH - /-. r.v..uLA 
i.a! HH "iBHHOBHa :i .laoaHOBCKafl; .,KaTej)HHa -tiKTor op.Ha cooOhm/ih • 

MH,', UTO /IHf^M BO Bpef/,fl ObjIf'.BH ii^.H-;!' K'^Mr-J nOn.U[:'iiCi<<-'.tf\\ P MOBM 

canae bi- n o6H'ip'''KeH^HHHii KDncnoa^ Meau, .-coTorioro ohh yBe;iw 
c eoSoi;" , 


B CBH8H c o6HapvmeHweM b capae kOGAODUnOn BoeHHonjieHHoro 
uirOPObA OHa BHBHBajiacb b recTano, rpe ee oCbuhhjih b vKpHBaTejii- 
CTBe BoeHHon;ieHHoro. 

kOCKOBCKAH Ha flonpocax b recTano ynopHO OTpwuajia KaKoe- 
jih6o OTHomeHHe k aTOwy BoeHHonjieHHOwy, vTBepxfla;!, mto o Haxos- 
fl8HHH ero b capae, npHHaAJiesaBmeM eu, OHa HHMero He snaeT, 
He flo6HBinjici> npHanaHWH ot kocKOBCKoii, a TaKse w. noTOwy, m;to bo- 
eHHon/ieHHfdi £-rOPOb, bk;\hmo, kOUAuoUnyio ne Bup.a.n, OHa 6KJia bn- 
n^naena h8 recTano, 

Tot «e njToPvh paccKaaa;! kOGftO£5Ui,,uji, mto «acTi. BoeHHO- 
njieHHhDC , pa6oTaBtuHX b rlaThiHCKOM Jiecy, nowAuo BWKanbJBaHifa Tpy- 
noB, aaHHMajiacB npiiBoaoM b .vltkhckhu jiec rpvnoB H3 ap^t/x mbct. 
npHBeseHHbie Tp^^nN CBajiHB-tJdict B n\Mi Bv.ecTe c Bi.KonaHHKi/.ii panee 


noB paccTpejiflHHNx HeM^a^^^1 b r/^yrux i/ecTax noATsepK/ia'^TCfl TaKKS 
noKaaaHHflMH nHKenepa-MexaHMKa uyi'vA4.2.bA ll.'^:'. 

GVAA'i.^b II. V. I9I-U rofla poKjieHHH, HHwenep-MexaHHK CHCTei.ibJ 
"PocrjiaEXJiefi" . , pafJoTaprnt^n np/ netaiax KiaiinHiicTCM tia CvojieHCKOii 
ropOflCKOii vejibHmie, noAf^Ji 8 OKTHOpn l-:;^zo ro/:a 3a"B.;:^niie c npoci- 

60H PHBORe. 

Bvflvmi BH3BaH Gner:;ia/;bHoi: .jowAcc-Aek, oh noKaaa;!: 
"...KaK-To pas na wenbHKueK) BTopovi nojiOBWHe MaoTa i'.ecpi\e. 
1943 roAa n aaroBopHJi c neueiiK^yi, mofj^>epoH, HeMHoro BJia.TeB'dHM 

pvcCKMIA fl3HK0M. BhHCHHB y HOTO, 4T0 OH BeseT »W^v b r^enffiHKl Ca- 

BeHKH ;t;ir BOHHCKok H\CT'A H Ha ^'.pvroK j^.eHb BOSBpHi'iaeTCfl b Gmo- 
jieHCK, fl nonpocHJi ero saxB^TsiTi nenp. c co5ok, ,';a6bi m/.eTb bos- 



f'.01CH0>''TI> K^nUTi E r,ep BH :: :^I!pOBMe noOAVKTh:. .'.OH .-»?0f H Vq;iTK- 

Ba;i, MTO nnoesji na HeMeTKOi. Mai'mH*^ Ti'fl fenfl vICKJiM^^a..r. f.iiTb 
sa/ienHianHbitc na n; onyoKHO'" n"iiKTe. .ie)'e''K>5i: i"0(^.cp co:.: ■• ::".ch na 
n;iaT^r. b tot we Ai^Hb, b aschtom qacy, ih Bfiev. i;iit wa luoc- 
ce Lrro;ieHCK - biTTeCcK. ;iac b Mai';;ino 6yino nnoe. - h ii HeweT'.- 
mO'pep. I OMT> ci .na CBeT;i^i«, jt^hh-.f, of,H'"'.KC vc?',';:-'.u'.,i(.. ^.o'^or" tv- 
?-tfiH H^CKO;ir,KO CH:ir.r\n a'/,im-ocTi>. . pMMenHO hh ^<^-^^ Ki<.';opeT')<^j or 
GMO/'eHCKa, y paap^t eHuoro hoctmk% h=i. nonce, ci!;i vcTpoen if)''e3;i 
c flOBOJT^H^ KDVTb!!- cccKOv. 1 ."^^ CTa/iM VKB crrc/?.TbCfi c rooce na 
o6"e3A, KaK riaM H-iBC^'-e^v ti? T'^'Mawa BHes-'vnHO noKa.-=a.T:.cb rr"?io- }'.fiufV!Ha. To nvi or Toro, ^ito rorwoaa ^' nai-'eM •h-'.ihi. r>ji/ He 
B novpry.e, to hh ot HeonHTHOCTM u:0'..e'^;a, mo »r "e c^Tej^'t saTop- 
fOSHTB Hara-" Mai';:iHV i< Bc.neACTB'5e Toro, mto otj"e.'?;; ''}.•! .TOBOJikKO 

yaKMii, CTO;iKHv;];ir-b i; lUP/^luei. HnBCTDO'V I'a!'n<HOi;, l>TO ^'<•^0 BO.-H Vie f.rJlC 
He C'AJihHHU, TaK KHK ;'JO.en BCTf.-M'fOi: WaiiKHbi vcrejl BaHTb B C7O[0- 

Hy, BC.'ieACTBi'e q^-ro ^i- o/30ti;e;i CKO.ibaHiaw;. v^'-ap bOKOj-vx cTOpoH 
vaujHH, (Jj\H>~vo, BCTpeMH-.fl MuuiHHa., TionaB nr)-.'!}' K'j;'-cof r Kan-ii-y, 
CBajiMjiacfc oflHMfi 6o-:oM na KOcoroT', iojua una oc? ..jiacb m . koti©- 
cax. n H MjO'.;ep Hei t TJieHHO BHfKOM ^': • us .-cfiC'^HKii :i ;'o;oi'ji" k cna- 
ji'ABn^ekcp ?.:an'vrHe. ..enp rinrr.3H/i c.'jihHKi/i TtT'nHbH annax, o^uB;^;■Ho, 
mefliuHii OT vi'i;5Hr . ..0},o'.i)Xf. ^iii4»;, R ^^b.';;i,;i mto ; .,: :;n "Kriv aa- 

nOAH-.'Ha. rp"30t', nOKM.Tri' r- >-«,".<" Opt-a-HTC , •V..TflH"TK)' Be[«hKa».'H. 

UT v;;apa b<'[&k.i .:\ouH"nvi, ;< 4 .cTb n- aa Hf,:h '/."". cl ii i -ooorop. 

UTO fth'Jl'Hr H T' v? . v;T0 fl.j-:H Tp'UhJ AhjR .a , 0,';.THX B bOCHHVK) 

i;X>pMy . 

K3 HMx of.HH Heneu-ajoi.'eo, r^b?'. pi .'■v^ceHHhv •. : rovt? .mm Hewia, a 


ocTa;ibHbie Okjiji dvcckumi BoeHHon.ieKHhMM, Tan kuw roBoniiJiH no- 
pyccKH '1 ojieTH Cfc.;i« caoTBeTCTHV ju:iif o6p'),30>'. 

nevau; c pvraHbw H^,6pocd.>i'ACb na Moero ujO'.epa, s^t^.m nper^- 
nn/iHflJiM iionL.TK:i nocTah.iTb hhu^hv wa Ko;ieca. i.'iHVTt' yepes ;;Be 
K wecT^' aBapnn no;i"e«nn euie j^bo rp'"aoBi'x Kai'iMHN vi ocTaHOH'.iJii^cb. 
G .3TMX i^i'JHH K Han noAOiJia rp^'nii;-. hbi'mhb ii pvccKnx BoeHHO- 
n;ieHHbix, bcero MHjioBeK lo. 06!'ii?'"i vchjiiihmh bch oTaji;! no/iHUKsaTb 
I'dDiKHv. hocnoibPOEaBmHCL yr,o6HF.r. nor.emov, h Tiixo cn'-ycn;! op,- 
Horo M3 pvccKHx BoeHHonjieHHHx : "iTO 9T0 TaKoe ?" Tot TXiOie 
THxo }'>ie oTBeTKJi: '':'ioTopvK) \m Hoqb bo.'u^m Tp^'UH k -laTHHCKni: jiecV 

uBajiHBiiiaflCH itfii.iHHa eu^e ne ot'jia nor,HflTa, naK ko Mae ii woewv 
LMOivVDv noAOiDBji HPMevKiiU vHTep-O'iiHuep i* OT;ia;i noMKasaH'-ie naw 
Hej«er;icHHO exaTb A'UJbme, i.''-:.K xan Ha Hr.iai. rai'.iiHe -^i^j-faK/f o« b- 
esHKx hobpe-*:;i,eHMH ho feujio, to rio.ep, OTBeflfl c;; -uTUiioro b hto- 
COH^', B! f-r-'ijicfl Ha woccp, I' »? r 0f;x^ji;i "i.isiue, 

linofcSKafl ?".<Mn no,",orijeAi"KX ii03;,Hee aBVx -aMWH, KpMTHX 6pea6H- 
TOM, fl TaKwe nouvBCT'sOBa;! CTp anHKh rp'ruHuk aanax". 

LoKaaaH/fi U. v... iw.^.i. noATB^r^rCA ^jotck noKaaaHHfli/!! -.iui-oda ujia- 
Ai«v'.npa iv,-;iH .cbHBnq\, cocTOflrti'epo b nepHOA OKKynanMH Ha cjiyKOe 
B nojiMUM'i B KauecTBe nojin t;i.o<oro» 

i:.rurUri noKaaa.a, 4T0 HecH no ];0A^'' '^hobh ojivKgt oxp-H^' 
MOCTa Ha nepeKoecTKe hocchi. iwx aodot i.ocKBa-I.MHCK ;? C>M0;ieHCK - 

-biTTefiCK, OH H:?CKO;.bKO P-ia HOWhK) H KOHUe MajjTa H B IlfcpBf.c ;.HM 

anoe/iH Ijio roAO. H-'OiwAaji , Kan no nanpaBJieHMK) k oi'.ojighckv npo- 
esKajiH GojibLuwe rpvaOBKe vaai/HK, KOKTwe CiocaeHTOM, ot KOTOpboc 
[iie;i c.t;ibHhi' rpvcKHJi aanix. -j Kuo,iH-cax uaann m csaAH noBepx 

93744 O— 52— pt. 3 6 



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", TO ir.c H'i Kaca-jTr-g, m : .*' n^'T I'^bf*: ■■ --je''-^': •■. .-.s." . 

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■caTii'io-'orq yM\CTKfi. 

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?r"ni:; 1. sanf. X. 

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ci/vkj p;i-'0':'b ; B-'"'^ eTfc;'x , ;<'B^ ;;;'MHT' ko;:''m:ctbo " fioJiMi'iPricT- 
OK'/x ^k'jDTb" b r'or;i;:ax /.T! :<''-:oro r.f.O'i. 



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patfoTU H'^ uoriwax b -aTtiHCKC!' Xiecy .nt r-cr^KMe oKt-vnaHTb: noircr^y-. 
nHJiH K LJHpOKor aniTaui'.i: b ne'-i5.T:: n no on-iro, nuTaHCh n'-a'.niicaTt 
CooGTCKoi'. BxacTi: 3i>cpcT5a,cc£cr::ieiiHL:e :::::: ci::':.v.v. mi,':; bcc;:;;c- 
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KiJTexaMii,HCKa :i ero o;-p6C7.':ccre:',a Tar/re .: "ae-icra^:!.-;,:.;" 
23 cTpaH.OKT-yniipCEa::;;::;: HeMeu,::;::/:! si.xi-CxT-ixK'!:';:, ;:;:;• :n>:c;:,iL,;:AC/i 
B Bacca^itHCf* 3aE;;c;:;'.ocT;! ot ii;:.". 

Cnf-U!'.a;iT>H"i/: ^ot'.::rci''ri onicciM?. nnn Cb;*..''eT«.'ier .yu^-cthOB'F- 
ffliix & "^KCKyci'/ix" 'I K'i'i-HC'r'H'"- :.'.crr.JiK. 

CBKneTe;ib 3'.^K0B K.II, ^n^q ii'^TO-''oro-aHaTOh',n'--5oT''Bai!*' 
B K9qec7Ba cy,A£C;HO-f";einL,MHCKoro PKcneoTr-i b CMO^ieHCKf .noKaaaji 
CneuHa-iRHOi: Komhcchh: 

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flCBCJiLHO xopoL-.c ccxpoi:::'rac..c.-i. Me?ajix.nqec-Ke ".ac?H o.t^ -71: - 

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HH "?kc'-"^"^chk" r •'i-a'^NHCKOii Jiecv". 

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l9-\?. r. nnononaJiH7»:'.c]b sanuTi. tt;: Korr.Jin. 

^e'"^:.'' caOiiK OTCTViTJ^eH'^e;.' ;?.-' Gmc."':hck^ '-JCK'T'-ne OKKynr.Ui«OH- 
Hi.,e fi;iac':i: crajiH nacnr"': oafi'^-Tart. c.if "k cb^i^x 3P0jp-.'fHK"."aqa,_ 
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fleTenA" KZCnJTEBA n.r.,|io tot BwecTe co CBoeR center ycne;i 

CKDUTbCfl. HbUmL. COUVJlkl 6 TO ACk. 

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cTaHUHM CA33AT!r;;3A !!.3.,a TSK-.te i. h .cut-nLUK-. cr.Cnoji^ hck 

3 caMbie nocjie^iHiie hh:i nene/i oTcvvnjifiHHeM .i^h ^Mu.iChCKa 
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H E-^l^^OBA. 0($oMM ynajiccs JialernyTt y5o;n iiJi:: cne'^'^« jTwab noTO- 
ijy,MT(5 OHH aaSjiapoBoeweHHO ck'^mjiiicb. 

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^amHCTCKiTM saxBaTMHKaK He y;iajiocb. 

nnoH3Bej;eHHafl cynefiHO-wemmnHCKafl aKcnePTwaa 3Kcrywnno- 
BaHHbix ToynoB c HeonooBeni»(i»MOft hchoctbk! ijoKasKBaeT.MTO naccT- 
pen BoeHHon;ieHHHX no;iaKOB 6iin nroHSBe^eH cannvH neunanvi, 

HHKe npHBauMTCfl aKT cyfledHC-f.;e;jiiuMHCKOJi oKcnenTHSb!. 

-To VKasaHHw Cn6UHa;ii)HoJ: V.cunccyAi no ycTaHOBJien/io »; |)ac- 
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B cocTaBfc : 


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n;ieHHb!x,noroe6eHH:.x b uorwjiax na TeonuionHH "'"^osek -^ori:" 
B KaTUHCKOM ;iecy,p 13-tii K;';iowe?nax ot ron.CMOJieHCKa. TnyriL; 
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AOKyi/eHTawji, n.?F;ieM( hhmi.'h i^r^ kutuhc/hx vori^ii; 


Mr. Machrowicz. Since that communication has been read into the 
record I think it should be made clear that when they speak of an 
official investigation, what they mean is an all-Russian investigation. 
1 think that should be made clear so there will be no misunderstanding. 

Chairman Madden. That is right. The remarks of the gentleman 
from Michigan are part of the record. 

The first witness will be Dr. Edward Miloslavich. The doctor will 
take the chair. 

Mr. Mitchell. Mr. Chairman, Dr. Edward Miloslavich is a witness 
before your committee this morning. He was a member of the Inter- 
nationa] Commission of Medical Authorities taken to the Katyn mass 
graves in April 1948 at the time of the German investigation. Will 
yon swear him in. 

Chairman Madden. Doctor, if yon will stand to be sworn. Do you 
solemnly swear the testimony you will give in the hearing about to 
be held will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, 
so help you God ? 

Dr. Miloslavich. I do. 


Mr. Mitchell. Doctor, will you state your full name for the pur- 
pose of the record, please. 

Dr. Miloslavich. Dr. Edward Lucas Miloslavich, spelled L-u-c-a-s 

Chairman Madden. I might state for the record that the Doctor is 
appearing here under subpena. 

Chairman Madden. Doctor, would you like to make a general 
statement, or would you like to start your testimony and then have 
the counsel or the members interrupt you from time to time? The 
committee wants you to select whichever way you would like to pro- 
ceed. If you wish you may make a general statement as to when 
you first became familiar and knew about the Katyn massacres and 
then what transpired inmiediately after and proceed from there with- 
out interrruption. Whatever way you would like to proceed is satis- 
factory to the committee. 

Mr. Mitchefx. Mr. Chairman, I would like to suggest that the 
doctor identify himself and give the connnittee a statement of his own 
personal background. Then I would like to ask the doctor to make a 
statement without interruption and the committee may interrogate 

Chairman Madden. Proceed. 

Mr. Mitchell. Doctor, where were you born? 

Dr. Miloslavich. Oakland, Calif. 

Mr. Mitchell. AVhen? 

Dr. Miloslavich. December 1884. 

Mr. Mitchell. December 1884? 

Dr. Mh.oslavich. Yes. 

Mr. Mitchell. Will you give the connnittee a brief history of your 
own personal background from the date of your birth until the time 
you returned to Eui-ope? 

Dr. Miloslavich. My father t(K)k me back to Europe to Austria 
when I was a child of approximately 7 years to give us an Austrian 


education. He sent me to the I^niversity of Vienna and I studied 
medicine at the University of Vienna from the year 1903 up until the 
year 1908. 

In December 1908 I graduated as doctor of medicine. Since my 
student time up to date, which means now approximately 45 years, I 
am studying mainly the dead human body. During the year of the 
Second Balkan War in the summertime of 1913, I was there with 
the European war authorities studying the effects of the gunshot 
wounds upon the human body. I had opportunity to perform my first 
exhumation at that time. Then when the First World War started 
in July 1914 I went to Serbia at that time in January 1915, and I had 
also opportunity not only to do my pathological studies but also to 
exhume several bodies for the purpose of establishing criminal actions. 

At that time 1 exhumed two women who had been buried, one, 
3 years and 3 months and the other one, 3 years and 7 months, ample 
op])ortunities to see how the human body decomposes and decays. 

Then afterward, after the end of the First World War, I returned 
to the land of my birth and assumed a position as professor of path- 
ology and medico-legal pathology at the ITniversity of Marquette, 
Milwaukee, AVis., in which State I was working up to July 1934. 

Prior to that time I had great opportunities to work as a criminolo- 
gist in the State of Wisconsin as medical adviser to different district 
attorneys and as coroners' physician throughout the State of Wis- 
consin and was very well familiar not only with the criminal actions 
performed and establishing how to examine a criminal affair, but at 
the same time to exhume the bodies after they had been buried a 
certain period of time, endeavoring to establish the cause of death 
and to establish the wounds which the interred individual suffered. 

In the year 1934 I received a call from the University of Zagreb, 
Croatia, a province which used to belong to the old Austro-Hungarian 
Empire, and I accepted that position because I was called by the 
Government to establish an institute of legal medicine and crimi- 
nology, because that country didn't have methods how to investigate 
crime scientifically. 1 had opportunity to organize an efficent, well- 
equipped institute and to show to my assistants, to the youngsters, how 
crime should be investigated, always in a firm endeavor to return to 
Am.erica as soon as I finished my work. 

Chairman Madden. Could I interrupt you. Doctor, if you get 
tired standing, you may take the chair. 

Dr. MiLosLAVicH. I am very comfortable, thank you. I talk bet- 
ter standing. 

In the middle of my work, while I was completely independent 
from anybody, the Hitler war started. 

Mr. Mitchell. When you say in the middle of your work, where 
was your work at that particular time 'i 

Dr. Mieoslavich. In Zagreb. 

Mr. Mitchell. In Zagreb. 

Dr. MiLosLAvicH. Yes. 

Mr. Macrowicz. Zagreb is where? 

Dr. MiLOSLAVicH. Croatia, now a part of Yugoslavia. 

Mr. Mitchell. What was your official position there at that time ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAVicH. I was professor of legal medicine and crimi- 
nology and director of those institutes at the University of Zagreb. 


At tlie same time I was teaching legal medicine at the theological 
faculty, the significance of legal medicine to the clergy. 

Mr. Mitchell. Doctor, will you give us youi" definition of the term 
"legal medicine" as it pertains to the European meaning of the word 
and the American meaning of the word ^ 

Dr. MiLOSLAVicH. In our country we have here the expression foren- 
sic medicine, which corresponds to the European conception of legal 
medicine, the application of theoretical and practical legal medicine 
to law. 

Mr. MiTCHFXL. Will you continue your statements 

Dr. Miu)SLAViCH. In the year 1940-41 throughout that territory 
of Yugoslavia there were many cases of slaughtering. I had again 
opportunity to exhume those bodies and to prove what kind of atroc- 
ities were performed. One day — I don't remember exactly when it 
was^ — it was approximately around the 14th or 15th of March 1940 — 
I read in the papers that the Germans discovered big graves where 
hundreds, maybe thousands of people, Polish soldiers and officers had 
been buried. 

Chairman Madden. Did you say that was in 1940 ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAviCH. 1940, correct. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Are you sure it wasn't later? 

Dr. MiLOSLAviCH. Excuse me. I made a mistake. You are right, 

Chairman Madden. 1943. 

Mr. Mitchell. Where did you read that, Doctor ? 

Dr. Miloslavich. In a local paper. 

Mr. Mitchell. A^'^lere were you at that time? 

Dr. Miloslavich. In Croatia, in Zagreb. 

Mr. Mitchell. What was tl>e approximate date? 

Dr. Miloslavich. I don't know exactly. I have no notes or any- 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. At that time Croatia was occupied by the Germans; 
is that correct ? 

Dr. Miloslavich. That is correct. That newspaper notice, I think 
it was somewhere around the 13th, 14th, 15th, something like that, of 
April 1943. I think I have that straight. 

Mr. Flood. You say you read that in a German paper? 

Dr. Miloslavich. No; in a Croatian paper. Then I was greatly in- 
terested to see those graves, greatly interested to see the decay, the 
decomposition of human bodies, to study that and to endeavor to estab- 
lish for how long a time they had been buried. I went to the diplomatic 
representative of Germany and offered my services. I said I w^ould 
be very happy if he would help me to go to Smolensk or Katyn so I 
could examine those graves. 

He was very kind, but he said to me, "I have no instructions from 
Berlin that you can go." 

In the meantime. Professor Walz, W-a-l-z, a German, a professor of 
international law, who was a good friend of mine, arrived at Zagreb the 
next day, and I was talking to him if he could help me so that I could 
go to Katyn. The next day I received permission to go. The Germans 
said, "We have no authorization to pay your expenses." 

I replied, "I don't care for that. I will pay my own expenses." 


So the next day I left Zagreb and I arrived in Berlin on the 2Tth — 
maybe I am again mistaken — the 27th of April 1943. They had tele- 
phoned them and they knew I was coming. Then they said to me and 
informed me that a commission has been put together of internation- 
ally known men in Europe, and they will put me as a member of that 
commission. Since more than half of those men I knew personally I 
was very glad to be together with them. 

The next day we left by airplane for Smolensk. 

Chairman ^NIaddex. This was a voluntary mission on your part? 

Dr. MiLosLAvicH. For my part, yes; Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Mitchell. Doctor, can you recall, or Avould you prefer to tell 
us later, the names of the individuals wlio went with you to Katyn, the 
doctors or anybody else in your party ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAVicH. I don't recall, but I can tell you a few of the 

Chairman Madden. He can put that in the record later. 

Mr. Mitchell. Go on with your story and the committee will inter- 
rogate later. 

Dr. MiLOSLAVicii. I know some of the names. 

Chairman Madden. All right, if you can recollect them, all right, 

Dr. MiLOSLAviCH. Professor Palmieri, from Italy, from the Univer- 
sity of Naples. Then Professor Orsos, Franz O-r-s-o-s, from the Uni- 
versity of Budapest. 

Mr. Flood. Is that the professor who may now be at Heidelberg? 

Dr. MiLOSLAVicH. That is right. Congressman. 

Mr. Flood. An authority on legal medicine. 

Dr. IMiLosLA^Tcii. Yes : all of these men are specialists in legal medi- 
cine and criminologv'. All of them have chairs in the leading univer- 
sities of Europe. 

Mr. Flood. Dr. Palmieri is an Italian? 

Dr. MiLOSLAviCH. He is an Italian. 

Mr. Flood. Where might he be ? Naples ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. I suppose he is either in Naples or in Rome. 
Orsos is from Budapest. Then Buerckle, B-u-e-r-c-k-1-e, from 

Mr. Sheehan. If it might help, I have the official names in the list 

Dr. MiL0SL.\vicH. I would like to name those I remember. Then, 
Markoff, M-a-r-k-o-f-f , from Sofia, Bulgaria, Then Professor Naville 
from Geneva, Switzerland. 

Mr. Flood. Is he at the University of Geneva now ? 

Dr. Miloslavich. Yes ; I think so. I left Europe several years ago. 
I don't know exactly what is going on. 

Then Tramsen, if I am not mistaken, from Helsingford, no, Copen- 
hagen, T-r-a-m-s-e-n. Then there was Speleers, if I am not mistaken. 

Mr. Mitchell. That is correct. 

Mr. Machrow^icz. Will you speak a little louder? I think there are 
objections from those attending that they can't hear. 

Dr. Miloslavich. Speleers, S-p-e-I-e-e-r-s, from Belgium. There 
are several others and I don't remember the names. 

Then there was the representative from the French Government. 

93744— 52— pt. 3 8 


Mr. Mitchell. Of the French Government? 

Dr. Milosla\t:ch. Of tlie French Government. 

Mr. Mitchell. Do you know who that was ? 

Dr. Miloslavich. Costedoat, C-o-s-t-e-cl-o-a-t. 

Mr. Flood. Would that be the Vichy French ? 

Dr. Miloslavich. Yes. 

Mr. Mitchell. Doctor, did these other members that went with 
3'ou at any time tell you how they came to be selected ? You have told 
the committee that you voluntarily asked to go because of your basic 
interest, that you had been studying tliis for a long time. Did any of 
these other doctors whom you have just named tell j^ou personally how 
they were selected to go to Katyn ? 

Dr. Miloslavich. No ; we didn't talk about that, so far as I remem- 
ber, but I know that all of them went of their own initiative. 

Mr. Mitchell. Of their own initiative? 

Dr. Miloslavich. So far as I know. I am not sure of that. 

Mr. Sheehan. May I ask the witness about these other doctors who 
were there? Do you remember a doctor by the name of Saxen, 
S-a-x-e-n ? 

Dr. Miloslavich. Surely. 

Mr. Sheehan. From Finland? 

Dr. Miloslavich, He was in uniform. I know him very well, a 
wonderful gentleman. 

Mr. Sheehan. And a Dr. de Burlett, B-u-r-1-e-t-t, from the Nether- 

Dr. Miloslavich. I don't recall that name. 

Mr. Sheehan. Dr. Subik, S-u-b-i-k, from Slovakia. 

Dr. Miloslavich. No, he was from Czechoslovakia, from Prague. 

Mr. Sheehan. Then there was a Dr. Buhtz, B-u-h-t-z. 

Dr. Miloslavich. Yes. 

Mr. Sheehan. Official of the German (Tovennnent ? 

Dr. Miloslavich. Buhtz was quite prominent criminologist and 
medico-legal expert. He gave us enormous help at Katyn Forest. 
He was a very fine gentleman. I am sorry to say he was killed. 

Mr. Sheehan. That is all. Doctor. Counsel, all the witnesses the 
doctor remembers plus the ones he didn't remember are all listed in 
the official German documents as being present there. 

Mr. Mitchell. Yes. 

Dr. Miloslavich. Then when I arrived in the Katyn Forest to- 
gether with those men, 12 of us, we were given a short description of 
the position of the graves. One big grave, a very large grave, I 
would estimate larger than this room. It is in the form of an L. The 
horizontal part of the L was I don't remember now how many meters 
or feet long. And in the L here — anyway they were in threes like this, 
in rows up to 12. So in estimating the number of dead, killed, mur- 
dered Polish officers it was a little less than 3,000 in that grave. 

Mr. Flood. Would you desci-ibe the size of the grave with reference 
lo the size of this room, for instance? 


Dr. MiLOSLAvicH. I would say it was longer than this room. It 
was narrower. It was just as wide so that you could put three bodies 
like this. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Three bodies lengthwise. 

Dr. MiLOSLAvicH. No; transversely. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. About 20 feet wide? 


Mr. Machrowicz. You estimate how many, 15 to 20 feet? 

Dr. MiLOSLAvicii. The width? 

Mr. Machroavicz. The width. 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. I think it would be. 

Mr. Flood. About 20 feet wide and longer than this room ; is that 
right ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. What about the depth? Have you any idea about the 
depth with reference to the ceiling here? How deep was it, about? 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. I would say this depth. 

Mr. Flood. About as deep as this room and a little longer and about 
20 feet wide. 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. In the shape of an L. 

Mr. Flood. Can anybody here tell us how high this ceiling is ? 

From the Floor. Twelve feet. 

Mr. Flood. Never mind. We will get that. 

(Note.- — The custodian of the United States courthouse in Chicago 
subsequently informed the committee that the room is 18 feet high.) 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. To get a pretty accurate estimate of how many 
bodies were placed in that grave, I asked at tliat time, that they should 
dig deep down, close to the end of the horizontal limb of the L in 
order to see liow many layers of bodies are present. Then we counted 
12 layers of dead bodies. I remember that a photograph was taken of 
that part of it, because the (Termans didn't have enough help and 
time to exhume all the bodies. Just the superficial layers, if I am 
not mistaken, somewhere around six or seven layers were removed 
and the rest remained in original position. 

Mr. Machrow^icz. Were these layers one solidly on top of another 
or was there any ground between one or the other ? 

Mr. Sheehan. Counsel, would the Doctor like to identify this pic- 
ture? This is the German version of Katyn. 

Dr. Mn^osLAviCH. Exactly, that is it. 

Mr. MACHR0^^^cz. Your answer is that there was no ground between 
them ; is that right ? Solid, one on top of another ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. That is right. 

Mr. Sheehan. Exactly like that picture? 

Dr. MiLOSLAATECH. That is right. 

Chairman Madden. We will make tliis Exhibit No. 5. 



(The photograph referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 5" and is 
as follows:) 

Mr. MircHKLL. Mr. Sheehan, woiilti \ uu inark that "Exhibit 5." 
Mi-. Siieeiian. I will turn it over to the committee as soon as we are 
through. We may refer to it further. 

Dr. Mii,()8i.AviGii. One body was placed on top of the other one, with 
thoii- faces down. They were close together, nothing between them. 
All the bodies were dressed in Polish ofKcers' uniforms, the clothing 
being winter clothing, underwear and the nniform, and coats on some^ 
The heads were downward. One body like this, the next one like this, 


and the next one like this [indicating]. This was the width of the 
grave. Then 12 layers down, and then multiply by the length. I 
don't remember how many we found in the length. Anyway, at that 
time when I was examining and making my own estimations I didn't 
follow anybody, and no one tried to give me any advice because I 
knew what to do. I estimated approximately 2,870, something like 
that, a little less than 3,000 officers. They were packed completely 
together by decaying fluids of the human body, the decomposing fluids, 
which started to penetrate, to imbibe, to infiltrate every dead body 
in there. That was a solid mass in which you just saw skulls you 
could recognize and that they were human beings. 

Then I went into the graves and studied which ones of them would 
give me the best information, what the dead body could tell us. With 
the help of two Russian peasants I picked a body, and slowly and 
gradually — it took them close to an hour — they removed the body and 
brought it out. I examined it very carefully to find out two main 
points. First, what was the cause of death. Second, how long a 
time was this individual buried. Third, who he was ? 

In examining the body I found a gunshot wound at the boundary 
between the back of the neck and the head. The Germans gave the 
expression "nacken schuss." That is the precise description of the 
vShot which was fired. The majority of them had just one shot, because 
it entered in here [pointing with finger] and came out here at the 
root of the nose, which means the head was bend downward. It was 
administered with such precision that the medulla was completely 

Mr. Flood. I tell you what you do: You take Mr. Mitchell here, 
if your gun isn't loaded, and demonstrated on him for us, will you, 
just at what point at the base of the skull this missile entered and on 
what part of the face was the point of exit. 

Dr. MiLosLAvicH. The position of the head was like this [demon- 

Mr. Flood. In what position would the living man have to be in 
your judgment, from your experience, at the time the shot was fired, 
standing, kneeling, lying down, or what, mostly likely. 

Dr. MiLOSLAviCH. Most likely kneeling. 

Mr. Flood, In what position, show us. 

Dr. MiLosLAviCH. Like this. 

Mr. Mitchell. Doctor, you have to tell me what to do. 

Dr. Miloslavich. I will guide you. It was shot in here. You have 
to figure that the bullet is going always straight. If I take this line 
and put it this way you see it comes out here [indicating]. The head 
was not like this and then shot. 

Mr. Flood. Why? 

Dr. Miloslavich. Because the bullet would come out here. 

Mr. Flood. Witness demonstrates with finger at the base of the skull 
of cotnisel, bullet on a straight line shot up, coming out at the middle 
of the hairline. If sliot down as you indicated in your testimony, 
where would the bullet exit on the fact of the exhibiter 'I 

Dr. Miloslavich. The bullet exit would be approximately in the 
neighborhood of the root of the nose. 

Mr. Flood. Between the eyes. 

Dr. Miloslavich. That is right, or a little above or a little below, 
but in this region here. 


Mr. Flood. In the area of the forehead or between the eyes. 

Dr. MiLosLAviCH. That is correct. 

Mr. Flood. That would indicate great precision and skill at the 
time of the discharge from the base of the skull ? 

Dr. MiLosLAvicH. That is right. 

Mr, Flood. With the face pointing down toward the ground and 
the victim in a kneeling or bent forward position ? 

Dr. MiLosLAvicH. That is right. 

Mr. Machrowicz. One question there : You do not mean they neces- 
sarily had to be in a kneeling position? 

Dr. MiLosLAVicH. No. 

Mr. Flood. Most likely, in any case. 

Dr. MILOSLAVICH. Yes. I wasn't present. I don't know. 

Mr. Mitchell. Doctor, you just demonstrated on me how you 
thought that bullet traveled. I would like for you to tell the commit- 
tee why you say that bullet would come out here in the forehead as 
you demonstrated ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAvicH. I have shown with this how the bullet travels, 

Mr. Mitchell. Is there any obstruction ? 

Dr. Miloslavich. He has the gun in a little slanting position, like 
this, and consequently if it goes like this it has to come out here 

Mr. Flood. Of course. Doctor, you didn't examine all of the bodies 
in the grave and it is possible because of that fact that many of these 
killings resulted from other kinds of position of the gun. In other 
words, some of them may have been shot standing up, some of them 
may have been shot kneeling down, or some not shot at all as far as 
you know. 

Dr. MILosLA^^CH. Sure. 

Mr, Flood. But what you saw you describe as you are now pre- 
senting it. 

Dr. Miloslavich. Correct. 

Mr. Flood. On how many bodies did you make a post mortem? 

Dr, Miloslavich, I made a post mortem on one. 

Mr. Flood, Yourself. 

Dr, Miloslavich. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Now that I have interrupted you, you said the Russian 
peasants took an hour to get this one body, that you performed the 
post mortem on, out of the grave. 

Dr, Miloslavich. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. How many peasants helped you ? 

Dr. Miloslavich. Two. 

Mr, Flood. Why would it take two peasants 1 hour to get one body 
out of one grave? 

Dr. Miloslavich. Because they were all packed in one big firm 
mass. All the bodies were packed together. 

M. Flood. You mean the body fluids, as a result of the decomposi- 
tion, composed a huge sticky mass of all these bodies; is that it? 

Dr. Miloslavich. That is right, in cold weather. 

Mr, Machrowicz. When was it that you were there? I don't think 
you set the time. What month was it that you made this post 
mortem ? 

Dr, Miloslavich. When I was in that grave it was April 29, 1943. 


Mr. Mitchell. Doctor, did you yourself select the body on which 
you did the post mortem or the autopsy ? 

Dr. MiLosLAvicH. Surely. 

Mr. Mitchell. You were given that opportunity freely ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAvicH. Absolutely. 

Mr. Mitchell. What layer was the body in that j^ou selected ? You 
said that there were a lot of layers. AVliat layer ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. I couldn't tell you that exactly. It was about, I 
would guess 

Mr. Mitchell. The top, the middle, the bottom? 

Dr. MiLOSLAviCH. The middle of the grave, the middle counting 
from up down, the middle of the grave. 

Chairman Maddex. I believe it would be well now if the doctor 
would finish about his investigation of the skull and also state in your 
opinion as a doctor what you think, after the investigation that you 
made, was the approximate time of the killing ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAvicH. At the time when I finished the post mortem ex- 
amination I dictated my findings right there at the burial place and 
gave my expert opinion as to the cause of death and about the main 
cadaveric changes of the body. Then the next day, late in the after- 
noon, all the experts, 12 of them, together with Dr. Buhtz — and there 
were two more German specialists there — got together and every one 
of us expressed opinions as to our findings, and we all agreed that the 
bodies were buried, approximately, not less than 3 years ago. 

Mr. Mitchell. Die! you say you all agreed to that ? 

Dr. Miloslavich. Yes. It was pointed out upon which facts that 
opinion was based. All of us reported that death was caused by the 
gunshot wounds fired from the immediate proximity, close to the line 
of the back of the head and back of the neck, so-called nacken schuss. 
I repeat that name because it is the best name for it. They were fired, 
of course, from behind in the direction to the front, with a shattering 
of the entire skull due to explosive action of the near shot. Powder 
marks were found on the skull itself, and I found it also. In some 
instances in the skulls we found three gunshot wounds, but in instances 
if there was a real, well-placed nacken schuss, there was just one shot 
because — I want to explain what just came to my mind — because the 
bullet wound which enters in here and comes out here passes through 
the — I have to give it in technical terms. 

Mr. Mitchell. Please give it in technical language. 
Dr. Miloslavich. Medulla oblongata and pons cerebri. Those are 
the two vital points in the human iDrain. If you destro}^ ajiy one of 
those two, death is instantaneous. If you miss that, the individual 
might live a few hours, maybe 1 day or 2 days. That is the reason 
why in a few cases there are three shots, because the first one was not 
fired correctly. 

Mr. Flood. Since you stopped there, it is entirely possible that 
anybody shooting into the head under those circumstances, if there 
were many shootings at the same time and everybody was very busy 
and in a hurry, many of those bodies may have been thrown into that 
grave before they were dead? 

Dr. Milosla\t:ch. I don't know that. 

Mr. Flood. That is entirely possible. I am not asking your opinion. 

Dr. Miloslavich. I have no opinion on that. 


Mv. Flood. You wouldn't say it was not possible? 

You have no opinion about that? 

Dr. MiLOSLAviCH. Very well. 

Chairman Madden. Doctor, could you explain very briefly for the 
record how you could scientifically determine by the wound to the 
skull the approximate time that that wound wa^ inflicted after several 
years had passed? 

Dr. MiLOSAvicii. Sir, that is impossible in instances wliere the wound 
was inflicted 2 or 8 years ago, because the age of a wound is judged by 
the changes one can see. If the body is completely decayed and the 
brain mass is completely dissolved, you can only state that that 
is a bullet hole and here is a bullet exit, but how old that is from the 
wound alone j^ou cannot tell that. 

Mr. Flood. However, from your experience as a pathologist over 
many years and from the statement that you luive placed on our record 
now, you could, as an expert pathologist, be able to determine from 
all the circumstances of the body otherwise, in addition to the wound, 
how long that body had been dead ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAviCH, That is correct. 

Mr. Flood. Later on, I will ask you how long, but at this point I 
will ask you to finish your statement. But that could be done and 
you can so do. 

Dr. ]\IiLOSLAViCH. That is right. 

Mr. Sheehan. In order to get these dates straight for the committee, 
you say all the bodies were buried not less than 3 years, and you place 
this date at April 28, 1943 ? 

Dr. MiLosLAViCH. That is right. 

Mr. Sheehan. Which would mean that all bodies were put in the 
grave prior to April 28, 1940 ? 

Dr. MILOSLAVICH. That is correct, approximately. One month more 
or less. 

Mr. Sheehan. I think it would be good to call to the attention of 
the committee members tliat at this time the Russians were in control 
of the Smolensk area and the Germans did not capture the area until 
August of 1941, approximately a year later. 

Chairman Madden. Doctor, did you observe tlie boots and cloth- 
ing on the soldiers and officers, as to tlie type, whether they were in 
good condition or bad condition, if you know ? 

Dr. Miloslavich. Senator, I don't remember exactly, but I know 
the boots were in pretty good condition. The heels of some of them 
were a little bit worn out, but the uniforms were perfectly fitted. 
They fitted the dead body completely, very nicely buttoned and every- 

Chairman Madden. Were all of the dead soldiers officers? 

Dr. Milosi^vvich. So far as I saw, what I saw, all of them were 
officers. I remember two generals, I remember even the names because 
I was deeply impressed to see them. One was General Bohaterowicz, 
and the other one was (Jeneral Smorawinski. 

Chairman IMadden. Did you observe any bodies there that had 
clothing on otlier than army officers? 

Dr. Miloslavich. Yes, I saw one. Tliat was a chaplain. 

Chairman Madden. How many bodies did you have a chance to 
observe as to clotliing, just roughly? 


Dr. MiLOSLAvicH. At that time when I ^Yas there they removed 980 
and some, close to 1,000. 

Chairman Madden. Close to a thonsand. Doctor, is there anything 
else that you would like to add to your testimony before the members, 
if they desire", have any questions to ask? 

Dr.' MiLOSLAVicH. Senator, I don't know. I think I have covered 
everything that is necessary. 

Mr. Mitchell. Mr. Chairman, I would like to recess for a minute. 
I believe the doctor would like to have a short rest. 

Chairman Madden. The committee will recess for a few minutes. 

(Brief recess.) 

Chairman Madden. The committee will come to order. 

Mr. Maciirowicz. Mr. Chairman, before the witness resumes may 
I make an observation that after the ruling I think there has been a 
little misunderstanding among some of the photographers and the 
press as to the extent of the so-called ban on the pictures. As I under- 
stand the ruling to Jbe — and I would like to be corrected if I am 
wrong, Mr. Chairman — it is that if a witness is testifying and he has 
no objections to his picture being taken, pictures may be taken of 
him while he is testifying ? 

Chairman Madden. If the witness does not object, that is permis- 
sible. But if the witness objects 

Mr. Maciirowciz. I hope the photographers will respect the wishes 
of the witness. 

Chairman Madden. I might say if the Doctor cares to he may sit 
down while he is testifying. We will proceed. 

Mr. Flood. Doctor, I think I will call you Professor instead of Doc- 
tor, is that all right? 

I))-. MiLosLAvicH. That is okay. It makes no difference. 

Mr, Flood. You correct me if I am wrong. I have some biography 
on you, and you correct me if this is not correct : "Prof. Edward L. 
Miloslavich, MD. F. A. P. H. A." I suppose that means Fellow of 
the Amei'ican Public Health Association. 

Dr. Miloslavich. Correct. 

Mr. Flood. "F. A. A. A. S.," fellow of the American Academy for 
the Advancement of Science ? 

Dr. MmosLAVicH. Correct. 

Mr. Flood (reading) : 

Diploinate, American Board of Pathology ; doctor of medicine, honoris causa, 
University of Vienna, Austria. 

Dr. Miloslavich. Correct. 
]\Tr. Flood (reading) : 

Doctor of medicine, honores causa, University of Breslau, Germany. 
Dr. Miloslavich. Correct. 
^\r. Flood (reading) : 

Director, department of pathology, DePaul Hospital, St. Louis, Mo. Formerly 
ass(-ciate professor, pathologic anatomy. University of Vienna, Austria. Pro- 
fessor, pathology and bacteriology, Marquette University, Milwaukee, Wis. 
Professor, legal medicine and criminology. University of Zagreb, Yugoslavia. 
Honorary professor, pastoral medicine, theologic faculty, University of Zagreb, 

By "pastoral medicine," you refer to that part of your teaching 
which connects legal medicine with theology ? 


Dr. MiLOSLAvicH. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. You have had in your experience as pathologist and as 
an authority on legal medicine in Europe and America many years 
of experience in the exhumation and the post mortems of the human 
body ; is that correct ? 

Dr. JNIiLosLAvicH. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. Did you have such experience in those two categories 
before your investigation of the bodies at the Katyn Forest massacre ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAvicH. Yes ; I did. 

Mr. Flood. Is it possible for you and is it possible for an experienced 
pathologist by examining the human body and its condition at the 
time of exhumation to be able to determine within reason the date of 
the burial, the time of the burial? Can you tell about how long a 
body has been in the ground by examining it after it has been exhumed, 
from the condition of the body at that time, based upon your ex- 
perience as a pathologist and similar exhumations and examinations in 
the past? 

Dr. jVIiloslavich. Yes ; I can. 

Mr. Flood. You can. 

Dr. Miloslavicii. I can. 

Mr. Flood. You told us that you did make such post mortems and 
exhumations of the bodies at Katyn ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAvicH. That is correct. 

Mr. Flood. You made such an examination upon one body your- 

Dr. MiLOSLAVicH. That is correct. 

Mr. Flood. Will you describe for us, without going into complete 
detail, but some detail, Avhat examination you performed upon that 
corpse at Katyn? 

Dr. ]\IiL0SLAVicii. I paid particular attention to the process known 
as adipocere 

Mr. Flood. May I interrupt to point out, this answer will of neces- 
sity have to be highly technical. Will you make it as technical as you 
wish, and take time to spell out for the clerk whatever technical ter- 
minology you wish to use. 

Dr. Miloslavicii. I am sorry I have to use that. 

Mr. Flood. Do it your way. 

Dr. Miloslavich. Adipocere, a-d-i-p-o-c-e-r-e, in plain English 
would be saponification. In other w^ords, it will be the formation of 
soap. When a body decays in an environment, in a soil, in the earth 
which is humid or contains water, ground water 

Mr. Flood. Were any of those elements present at the grave at 

Dr. Miloslavicii. You mean adipocere? 

Mr. Flood. Humidity or water. 

Dr. Miloslavicii. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Wliicli one or both ? 

Dr. Miloslavicii. On the outside water, inside humidity. 

Mr. Flood. Go ahead. 

Dr. Miloslavich. They form adipocere. Adipocere alone is not 
conchisive as to the exact time when the body was buried, because adi- 

gocere under certain circumstances can develop within the first year, 
lut then you have to study the musculature, cut into the muscles and 


see if the muscles contained adipocere, because adipocere will appear 
in the muscle at the end of the complete decay. That is point one. 

I examined that, Senator. I examined that. 

Mr. Flood. Did you find that element to be present? 

Dr. MiLOSLAviCH. Yes, I did, in the muscles of the gluteal region, 
in the muscles in the depth of the thigh, and iiX muscles known as ileo 

Mr. Flood. That first element was present, and was it present in a 
sufficient degree to permit you to make a conclusion ? 

Dr. MiLosLAVicH.' Quite. 

Mr. Flood. What was your second element ? 

Dr. jMiloslavich. If I may continue with the element. 

Mr. Flood. Go ahead. 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. To be absolutely positive, I removed parts of 
those adipocere muscles and took them along to my institute, to my 

Mv. Flood. You took part of the body with you ? 

Dr. MILOSLA\^cH, No, no, the muscles. 

Mr. Flood. Part of the muscle. That is part of the body. 

Dr. MiLOSLAvicH. Sure. 

Mr. Flood. You took it where ? 

Dr. ISliLOSLAVicH. I got it at Katyn and took it down to Zagreb. 

]Mr. Flood. After you left the forest. 

Dr. MIL0SLA\^cH. x\fter I left. 

Mr. Flood. All right, go ahead. 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. In order to make miscroscopic examinations of the 
muscle to see if there is any structure of the muscle still present. 

Mr. Flood. Did you take any other part of the body from the Katyn 
Forest, that same body, to Zagreb with you, other than the muscle? 

Dr. MiLOSLAVTCH. Yes, I did. 

Mr. Flood. What part ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAvicH. I took the skull. 

Mr. Flood. Go ahead. 

Dr. MiLOSLA%^CH. In examining microscopically, the muscle, which 
was changed by adipocere, I noticed that the entire structure of the 
muscle was completely destroyed by the saponification. I could not 
see any muscle fibers, no striation of the muscle substance. 

Mr. Flood. Wait a minute. That examination that you made micro- 
scopically you made at your laboratory in Zagreb? 

Dr. MIL0SLA\^cH. That is correct. 

Mr. Flood. Some time subsequent to your examination at Katyn? 

Dr. MiLOSLAVTCH. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. Did the microscopic examination you made at Zagreb 
some time subsequent to the examination you made on the scene at 
Katyn confirm the conclusion you reached at Katyn ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAVTCH. Correct. 

Mr. Flood. Go ahead. 

Dr. MiLOSLAVTCH. My microscopic examinations proved that my 
diagnosis, and the diagnosis of my colleagues, was correct. 

Mr. Flood. Wliat is the second element present at the exhumation, 
at your post mortem ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAVTCH. The second element was the presence of a peculiar 
change found in the cavity of the skull, which was detected by Pro- 


fessor Orsos. The body I examined didn't have it, but the body of 
Orsos did. He was standing close to me when he was making his post 
mortem examination, and he called me over and I had opportunity 
to examine also that change, which is more or less, I will say, absolutely 
conclusive that the body was more than 3 years under the ground. 

Mr. Flood. Palmeiri, Orsos, yourself, and some of the other experts 
present were performing post mortems upon different bodies? 

Dr. MiLOSLAviCH. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. Were you all close to each other in the same immediate 
area ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAviCH. Yes, correct. 

Mr. Flood. A few feet apart, a few yards apart? 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. Was the body on a table, on the ground ? Where was it? 

Dr. MiLOSLAviCH. On a table. 

Mr. Flood. Did you have instruments for the purpose of making 
the post mortem? 

Dr. MiLOSLAvicH. Sure. 

Mr. Flood. You had them with you. 

Dr. MiLOSLAvicii. No. They gave them to me. 

Mr. Flood. Did you search for any otlier element besides the two 
you have indicated? 

Dr. MiLosi-AvicH. I examined, of course, the entire organs and found 
processes of drying and mummification. 

Mr. Flood. Based upon your experience as a pathologist, based upon 
the record you have given us of your experience at exhumations and 
post mortems performed upon exhumed bodies before you went to 
Katyn, based upon the statement you have just made as to the post 
mortem you performed upon this particular body, in addition to 
the examination you made of the skull of tlie body being posted by 
Dr. Orsos and brought to yovu- attention and examined by you. what 
in your expert opinion would be the period of time that the bodies 
were buried at Katyn, about? 

Dr. MiLOSLAVicii. I estimated more than 3 years. 

Mr. Flood. Doctor, I asked you why it took two Russian peasants 
so long to remove one body from the grave at the time that these 
bodies were first observed by you, and you told us that it was because 
the bodies w^ere packed in as a result of certain body fluids present 
and decomposition. 

Dr. Mtloslavicii. That is correct. 

Mr. Flood. Would you say that the fluids which enuiuated from 
these decomposed bodies would be such a fluid and of such a nature 
and of such a degree of fluidity at that time as to confirm your estimate 
that they were present in the grave about 3 years? 

Dr. Mtloslavicii. Congressman, I will not pay very much atfention 
to that in the estimation of time. 

Mr. Flood. The fact i-emains that they were in a mass because of 
the fluids from the bodies? 

Di'. MiLosLAvicH. That is i-ight. 

Mr. Flood. That is not contributory to your couclusion? 

Dr. MiLOSLAviGii. Correct. 

Mr. Flood. You were in Zagreb at the tiuie the Germans moved into 
Zaareb ? 


Dr. MiLosLAvicH. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. You are a Croat ; your ancestry is Croatian? 

Dr. MiLOSLAVicH. That is correct. 

Mr. Flood. I suppose you are a Roman Catholic if you are a Croa- 
tian, aren't you? 

Dr. MiLOSLAAicii. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. Did you continue to teach in the University at Zagreb 
when the Nazis were in there ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. Surely. 

Mr. Flood. Were you a collaborateur with the Nazis? 

Dr. MiLOSLAvicH. No ; I had nothing to do with them. 

Mr. Flood. How did you hold the job if you were not? 

Mr. MiLosLAVicH. I clid nothing but teach at the university. 

Mr. Flood. Did anybody ever charge you or accuse you or identify 
you of being a collaborateur with the Nazis ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAVicH. It may be people who didn't like me. 

Mr. Flood. Were you ever screened or examined by the American 
forces after we took over on that charge ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAVicH. Oh, yes. I was screened, so far as I can remem- 
ber, four times. 

Mr. Flood. By Americans? 

Dr. MiLosLAviCH. By American authorities. 

Mr. Flood. Intelligence officers. 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. That is right, CIC. 

Mr. Flood. CIC. 

Mr. ]\IiTcnELL. Where? 

Mr. Flood. You were so screened ? 

Dr. ^NIiLOSLAViCH. Oh, yes, I was screened in Cell Am See. Then 
I was screened in Salzburg then I was screened in Vienna. Then again 
I was screened by the Army in Salzburg. 

Mr. Flood. A^"ere you ever a member of any Nazi societies? 

Dr. MiLosLAvicH. No. 

Mr. Flood. Academic, scientihc, or political of any kind? 

Dr. Miloslavich. No. 

Mr. Flood. What was the result of the screening? Did they pass 
you ? 

Dr. Miloslavich. Every American who was over there during tlie 
war had to be screened. 

Mr. Flood. You are an American citizen. 

Dr. ]MiLosLA-\TCH. Surely, 

Mr. Fi^)0D. You were screened. 

Dr. Miloslavich. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Wliat was the result of the screening? 

Dr. IMiLosLAwcH. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. What was the result ? 

Dr. MiLosi^wicH. Nothing was found against me. So I could go 
home any time I wanted to. 

Mr. Flood. You were okay, is that it? 

Dr. Miloslavich. Surely. 

]\Ir. Flood. I asked these questions because it is interesting to me 
to find out when you got to Berlin you were named on this commission 
that the Germans were going to send to Katyn. 


Dr. MiLosLAvicii. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. How were you approached? Did you approach them 
or did they approach you? 

Dr. MiLosLAviCH. I approached them. 

Mr. Flood. Did you know there was going to be a commission ? 

Dr. MiLosLAviCH, Surely. 

Mr. Flood. Did you ask them to go on it? 

Dr. MiLosLAViCH. I told them 1 would like to be present, that I 
w^ould like to have an opportunity to examine those bodies and they 
said • 

Mr. Flood. What was your interest ? What did you care about it ? 

Dr. MiLosLAviCH. I went there from a purely scientific point of 

Mr. Flood. You want us to believe that as soon as you heard this 
story in Zagreb as a student of pathology and of legal medicine, you 
merely wanted to go there to see what this looked like? 

Dr. MiLOSLAviCH. That is the point. 

Mr. Flood. That is how you got to Berlin? 

Dr. MiLosLAviCH. That is correct. 

Mr. Flood. At your own expense ? 

Dr. MiLosLAviCH. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. I want to find out when you got to Berlin were you 
briefed by the Germans? Were you taken into a room? Were you 
give a sales talk ? Were you high pressured ? Was your arm twisted ? 
Were you briefed or threatened ? 

Dr. MiLosLAviCH. No, no. 

Mr. Flood. They just put you on the commission and away you 

Dr. MiLosLAVicH. The German pathologist and experts on legal 
medicine knew me very well when I was at Marquette and when I 
returned to Europe because I attended their scientific meetings. I 
lectured at their meetings. They knew me very well. 

Mr. Flood. Are you telling us — and you are under oath — that there 
was no pressure, no duress, no threats, and no intimidation as against 
you or anybody identified with you by the Nazi Germans at anj^ time 
during the time you served on the German Katyn Commission or to 
get you to sign or make a report favorable to the Germans and against 
the Russians? 

Dr. INIiLOSLAViCH. Mr. Congressman, I can say that regarding my 
own person I was not intimidated, and all those words you used. 
Nothing was done to me. I went there only for the purpose of scien- 
tific examination, I didn't care who killed them, what killed them, 
what happened. I was just interested to establish how those men had 
been killed and how long a time they had been killed. That is all my 
interest. My interest was just exhumation and study of the exhumed 
human body. I did not contribute anything to save the Germans, 
to give a reputation to the Germans or anything of that kind. I 
didirt do anything to mention who did it or how it was done. 

Mr. Flood. The answer is "No" ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAvicii. The answer is "No." 


Mr, Machrowicz. Mr. Witness, I believe you mentioned that one 
of the experts who was there with you was Dr. Markoff. 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. That is correct. 

Mr. Machrowicz. He is from Bulgaria? 

Dr. JMiLOSLAViCH. That is right. 

Mr. Machrowicz, You knew him personally ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. I met him there. I knew him by reputation. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You- did not know him until you arrived at 
Katyn ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. That is right. 

Mr. INIachrowicz. Did he also conduct an autopsy ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. Yes; he did. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did he also make a finding? 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. Yes; he did. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you remember what his findings were ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. I don't recall. It was similar to our findings. 

Mr. Machrowicz. It was not contrary to your findings or you would 
have remembered it? 

Dr. IMiLosLAvicH. No. He didn't say anything. He agreed with 
everyone who was there, all 12 men. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did he sign the report which you signed ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. Yes; he did. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Was there any compulsion upon you or anyone 
else to sign the report ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. There was no compulsion on me. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Or upon Dr. Markoff, if you know ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. I don't know. 

]\Ir. Machrowicz. Did he indicate to you or to anyone else in your 
presence at any time that there was any compulsion upon him to sign 
the report? 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. He didn't say anything to me. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Have you at any time had the opportunity to 
read the proceedings of the International Military Tribunal at Nurem- 
berg with reference to this particular matter? 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. I saw it just yesterday. I didn't have time to 
read it. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I would like to call to your attention and to the 
attention of the committee that Dr. Markoff, who subsequently be- 
came a witness of the Soviet authorities at the Nuremberg trial, did 
testify as follows, on page 334 of volume XVII of the proceedings of 
July 1, 1946. In speaking of the committee which examined these 
bodies he states as follows : 

They were the following, besides myself : Dr. Birkle, chief doctor of the Min- 
istry of Justice, first assistant of the Institute of Forensic Medicine and Crimi- 
nology at Bucharest ; Dr. Miloslavich, professor of forensic medicine and crimi- 
nology at Zagreb University, who was representative for Croatia — 

And then follow other names which have already been previously 
mentioned which I don't think it necessary to repeat at this time. 

Dr. Markoff did confirm the fact which you testified to today, 
that you were actually there. 

I would like to call the committee's attention, referring to page 340 
of the testimony of Dr. Markoff on July 2, 1946, the following is 
quoted in his testimony. This, I want to say, is a witness produced 


by the Soviet authorities to disprove the German version. This is 
the testimony he gave. 

Mr. Mitchell. Mr. Machrowicz, would you identify for the record 
v>'ho was doing the cross-examining ? 

Mr. ]\£vcriR0Wicz. Cross-examining at that time was Counselor 
Smirnov, who was the representative of the Soviet authorities. In 
ansAver to Counselor Smirnov's questions at Nuremberg, Professor 
Markoff testified as follows : 

The only one who gave a different statement in regard to the time the corpses 
had been buried was Professor MiloslaA'ich from Zagreb, and he said it was 3 

Here again I want to confirm the fact that the testimony given by this 
witness is evidently truthful because it corres})onds exactly with the 
testimony produced even by the Soviet authorities. I want to say 
further that he followed that with the following sentence : 

However, when the German book regarding Katyn was jniblislied, I read the 
result of his impartial statement regarding the corpse on which he had perfoi'med 
the autopsy. 

I would like to call to the committee's attention that even Markolf. the 
witness for the Soviet authorities, confirmed the fact that the report 
of Dr. Miloslavich was an ""impartial statement"' and did confirm 
the fact that the deaths occurred at least 3 years before the time of 
the examination. 

Is it correct that you were the only one who confirmed the fact 
that it was 3 years ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAViTcii. I know that Professor Orsos also pointed it out 
very emphatically. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Were there others besides him? 

Dr. Miloslavich. I remember when we had that conference and 
discussed the findings at the graves, Orsos had the skull of that 
Polish officer and pointed to those characteristic changes in the skull 
cavity, and several doctors mentioned in that report were present. 
All of us were there. So far as I know, none of them objected to the 
interpretation or the findings. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Of course you know, do you not. Dr. Milosla- 
vich, that Professor Markoff is now behind the iron curtain? 

Mr. INIiLOSLAviCH. Yes ; I know that. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And he was in 1946 at the time he testified at the 
Nureml)erg trials? 

Dr. ]\IiLosLAvicH. Yes. 

Dr. Machrowicz. Coming back to the reasons given by you which 
you claim resulted in your determining that the death occurred ab(nit 
3 years before the examination, I Avill ask you were there any insects or 
insect remains on the cor|)ses? 

Dr. Miloslavich. I didn't see any. 

INIr. ]\Iachkowicz. Did that have any significance to you? 

Dr. Mn.osLAVTCiL Yes. I would say that the bodies were buried 
during the wintertime. 

Di-. Machrowicz. I am reading now from tlie repoi-l of ilie Gorman 
Medical Commission, which reads as follows: 

There were absolutely no insects or insect ri'innins on Uu- coipses that could 
have stemmed from the time of the burial. From this it can be concluded that 
the executions and l>urial took place in a cold and iiiscct-free time of the year. 


Is that correct ? 

Dr. MiLosLAvicH. That is correct. 

Mr. JMachrowicz. Do I understand, then, from your testimony 
now that this lack of insect or insect remains led you to the conclusion 
that the deaths took place at a season of the year when it is cold? 

Dr. MiLOSi^vvicH. That is right. 

Mr. Machrowicz. "Was that the conclusion of the other doctors 
there also ^ 

Dr. MiLosLAViCH. I could not tell you that. They signed the state- 
ment to that eifect. 

Mr. Machroavicz. Of course you know that the Russian version of 
the charge was that the deaths occurred some time around August 
1941. That would be in the middle of the summer, would it not? 

Dr. Miloslavich. I think August is in the summer. 

Mr. Machrowicz. So the lack of these insects or insect remains 
was at least to you 'an indication that that charge was not correct. 

Dr. Miloslavich. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That is all. 

Chairman Maddex. I might announce that Congressman Furcolo 
of Massachusetts is now present. 

Are there any other questions from any other members of the 
committee ? 

Congressman Sheehan. 

Mr. Sheehax. Professor, I have several inquiries I would like to 
put to you. No. 1, you talked about four different screenings by our 
American officers, the C. I. C, and the Army. Approximately when 
did they take place? 

Dr. ]\Iiloslavich. It w\as between the end of May 1945 and March 

Mr. Sheehax. At any time during the screenings did they ask you 
about your participation in the Katyn investigation ? 

Dr. Miloslavich. No, They knew^ that. 

]\Ir. Sheehax. They knew that. 

Another thought, which was brought out in the previous testimony 
by Mr. Henry Cassid}', who is now head of the NBC News Service. 
He was one of a number of about 14 correspondents who were taken 
by the Russians to Katyn in January 1944. When he came back he 
testified that the correspondents were all agreed that the Russian 
affair was a staged affair. The correspondents felt that the bodies 
were selected and everything was done on the basis of a staged affair. 
Your testimony has already proved that yours was not a staged affair 
in any sense of the word, is that right ? 

Dr. Miloslavich. No ; it was not. 

Mr. Sheeiiax. You signed the German protocol, I understand, 
this particular instrument here, is that right? 

Dr. Miloslavich. That is correct. 

Mr. Sheehax. When and where did you sign the German protocol ? 

Dr. ^Miloslavich. I have forgotten the name of the town where it 
was signed ; east of Warsaw. 

INIr. Sheeiiax. That is your signature, is it not, on the German 
protocol ? 

Dr. Miloslavich. Yes ; that is right. 

93744— 52— pt. 3 -9 


Mr. Sheehan. Who drew up tliis protocol, do you know offhand? 

Dr. MiLosLAvicH. The commission. 

Mr. Shp:eiian. The members of the commission. The German 
Army or the Nazis didn't draw it up. 

Dr. MiLosLAvicH. No. 

Mr. Sheehan. You drew it up yourself ? 

Dr. MILOSLAVICH. Yes. Of course they collaborated in that. Pro- 
fessor Buhtz. 

Mr. Sheehan. In previous testimony it was brought out by one of 
our witnesses, who was an eyewitness, that he saw the soldiers before 
they were killed, and their hands had been tied with barbed wire. Do 
you remember any bodies with wire instead of rope ? 

Dr. MiLosLAvicii. All that I saw were with rope, cords. 

Mr. Sheehan. You are an American citizen. You have come back 
from Zagreb. Have you ever attempted or did you ever want to 
go back there for any of your belongings or anything ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. No ; I cannot go back. 

Mr. Sheehan. You cannot go back ? 


Mr. Sheehan. Since you came back to this country has any official 
of the State Department asked you to verify your version of the Katyn 


Mr. Sheehan. Anybody in the Army ? 


Mr. Sheehan. In other words, no Government official at any time 
has asked you for your opinion of it ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. No, no. 

Mr. Sheehan. I think that is all I have, Mr. Chairman. 

Chairman Madden. Any further questions? 

Mr. FuRCOLO. I have some if I may. Doctor, as I understand it at 
the time you were doing your scientific work on the bodies you were 
using what was then the most up-to-date medical knowledge and 
medical science? 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. That is correct. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. You have had long experience in that field. 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. Yes ; I have. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. Would it be your opinion that you were up-to-date 
on the latest medical knowledge at that time ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. Oh, yes. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. Since that time I assume you have continued on in 
your medical studies? 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. That is right. 

Mr. FuRcoLO. As in every other branch of medicine, I suppose there 
also has been additional knowledge in that field. I will ask you this : 
Is your present opinion today, in the light of any new medical knowl- 
edge that you may have obtained in the past 8 or 10 years, the same 
as your opinion was back at the time you saw these bodies? 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. My opinion today is just the same as it was at 
that time. There is nothing new so far as I know, so far as I follow 
the scientific literature in my field. Nothing new was put out. 

Mr. FuRCOLo. So your opinion today is the same as it was at that 


Dr. Mlloslavich. Correct. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. When you were examining the bodies did you at any 
time see any papers or documents or diaries or anything of that nature 
that were found on some of the bodies ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAviCH. Oh, yes. 

Mr. FuECOLO. Do you remember either any newspapers or any 
diaries with notations that would be of any help to us as far as dates 
are concerned ^ 

Dr. MiLOSLAVicH. I saw newspapers with the dates of March 1940. 
Then a card that I found in the pocket of the young officer that I 
examined. I don't recall his name. I cannot recall the names. I am 
not sure about the name. I have no notes. I cannot keep it in my 
mind now for 9 years. That card was also around March 1940. 

Mr. FiJRCOLO. Let me ask you this question, if I may : Did any of 
the papers that you saw or any of the documents that you saw have, to 
the best of your recollection, any date that would be after April or 
May 1940? 

Dr. MiLOSLAvicH. So far as I remember, not, as long as I was there, 
because exhumations have been performed after that time. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. I am referring now only to papers or documents that 
you yourself saw. 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. All that I saw, the latest were somewhere in 
April 1940. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. At any time when you were examining these bodies 
did you detect the presence of sawdust in the mouths of any of the 

Dr. MiLOSLAVicH. No; I didn't see that. I didn't notice any saw- 

Mr. FuRCOLO. You only saw two bodies? 

Dr. MiLOSLAvicH. I saw maybe several hundreds there, but I per- 
sonally autopsied, performed a post mortem examination in detail 
on one. 

Mr. Ftjrcolo. You testified that as far as you yourself were con- 
cerned, there was no force or compulsion or intimidation of any kind. 
I want to ask you if you saw anything in any way to indicate any 
force or intimidation of any of the other men who signed the docu- 
ments for that commission. 

Dr. MiLOSLAvrcH. I didn't notice anything. 

Mr. FuRcoLo. As far as you know, you didn't see any ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAviCH. No. 

Mr. Ftjrcolo. At the present time do you have any feeling or bias 
or prejudice toward either Germany or Russia or toward the German 
or Russian people? 

Dr. MiLosLAviCH. No. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. As you testify here today you don't have any feel- 
ing of any kind toward either group ? 

Dr. MiLosLAvicH. No. I have testified as a scientist, from my sci- 
entific examinations and the results of my research, and nothing else. 

Mr. Ftjrcolo. That is all. 

Mr. Flood. Do you speak German? 

Dr. MiLOSLAviCH. Yes ; I do. 

Mr. Flood. Did you speak German then? 

Dr. MiLOSLAATrcH. Yes: I did. 


Mr. Flood. You never saw me until this morning, did you? 

Dr. INfiLOSLAVicn. What is tliat '( 

Mr. Flood. You never saw me until this morning, right? 

Dr. MiLOSLAvicii. That is correct. 

Mr. Flood. You are under subpena liere. 

Dr. jVIiloslavich. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. How did you get here, anyhow ? Who found you ? 
Where did you come from? How did you come to the attention of 
this committee i Who brought you to our attention ( 

Dr. MiLOSLAviCH. Mr. Pucinski. 

Ml". Flood. Have you been olTered any favors or any pay or any 
emoluments or any inducements of any kind by anybody to be here 
this morning? 

Dr. MiLOSLAviCH. No. 

Mr. Flood. By the Government or any individual ? 

Dr. MiLosLAvicH. No. 

Mr. Flood. All right, Mr. Chairman. 

Chairman Madden. Are there any further questions? 

Mr. Maciirowicz. One question : I believe you testified, Doctor, that " 
this L-shaped grave had about 2,S()() bodies. 

Dr. MiLOSLAvicii. Something like that. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You do not mean to say that that was the only 
grave there, do you ? 

Dr. Miloslavich. There were seven of them. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Seven graves ? 

Dr. Miloslavich. Seven graves, including this big one 

Mr. Machrowicz. This was the largest of all ( 

Dr. Miloslavich. That was the largest one ; yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you arrive at any estimate of your own as 
to how many bodies were in the other graves ? 

Dr. Miloslavich. No; I didn't examine them. I didn't have that 
much time. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I just wanted to make clear it isn't your testi- 
mony that there were only 2,800 bodies altogether. 

Dr. Miloslavich. Oh no, my estimate included all the graves. It is,, 
of course, an approximate estimate. In that respect, I disagree with 
the Germans. They said 11,000. Buhtz was talking to me about it 
later that night. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You mean Dr. Buhtz? 

Dr. Miloslavich. Yes ; I said to him, "I think according to my esti- 
mate I would judge somewhere between 13,500 and 1-4,000." 

Mr. Machrowicz. But of course that was only a rough guess based 
on the size of the graves? 

Dr. JNIiLosLAvicH. Correct. Of course, assuming that in the other 
graves they had been buried in the same way as in this grave, because 
it was a burial, if I may compare it so you can understand it, like in 
a sardine box. They were like this, one close to the other, one on top 
of the other, 12 layers from up down, in three's to the side, and the 
leng-th I don't remember. I have forgotten the number. Anyway in 
that big L-shaped grave were more than 2,800 officers. 

Ml". Maciirciwicz. One other question. Doctor: At the Nuremberg 
trial Counselor Smirnov asked Markotf this (piestion and received this 
answer : 

Therefore, you were .shown already opened uraves near which the idrpst'-s were 
already laid out; is that right V 


And Markoff answered : 

Quite right. Near these open graves were exhumed corpses already laid out 

I understood your testimony to be that you actually had a corpse with- 
drawn from the g-rave which had not been touched. 

Dr. MiLosLAvicH. If I may explain that? 

Dr. Maciirowicz. Will you explain it, please. 

Dr. ^NriLosLAvicii. When I arrived there 1 found approximately 980, 
if I am not mistaken, bodies which had been already exhumed from 
the L grave, if I may speak of it that way, and placed in that vicinity. 
They were lying there, enormous masses of dead bodies. Then when 
I looked in the grave, I asked permission, if I am permitted to go in 
the grave myself and select a body I want to examine, and not the 
bodies which have been taken out. I wanted to oe absolutely critical 
in every detail. They said, "Yes, go ahead. Professor. Do anything 
you want." 

So I went down in the grave, going around, looking, studying which 
body I should select. I selected one just in the middle of the grave 
where the bodies were firmly packed together. It was difficult to re- 
move. I helped those two old farmers to remove that V)ody to be sure 
that I had it as it was in the original position, so I helped to remove 
it from the depth of the grave. 

Mr. Maciirowicz. I wanted that made clear in the record when 
Markoif testified about those corpses which were already laid out, 
there were about 900 and some already laid out, but the jjodies that 
you inspected were not from among those 980 bodies. 

Dr. MiLosLAvicii. No, no. I selected my own. 

Mr. Maciirowicz. Right from the grave. 

Dr. MiLOSLAVicH. I examined those, too, I walked around them and 
•examined them. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. Doctor, when did you get back to the Ignited States? 

Dr. MiLosLAVicii. The first week "of August 1946. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. With your scientific knowledge as a professional 
man — and that is your only interest in this matter — when you got 
iDack to the United States what was your reaction when you learned 
that the people of America had the impression that the Germans 
committed the crime rather than the Eussians? What was your re- 
action to that general opinion that the American people had? 

Dr. MiLOSLAvicii. Congressman OTvonski, I tell you honestly I 
never spoke to anybody about this. Nobody knew it. Once in a 
while I asked somebody if they were familiar with the name Katyn, 
and the answer was "What is that?" I saw that the people didn't 
know it, so I didn't want to discuss it. This is the first time now, in 
the last 10 years about, that I am talking about this. I am sorry that 
I don't have any documents or notes and nothing. IVIaybe I could 
elaborate a little more about it. I am relying completely upon my 

Mr. O'KoxsKi. The reason I am asking that question is that all 
of the testimony that you have given here this morning is based on 
your scientific knowledge as a professional man, as a scientist. 

Dr. ISIiLosLAvicH. Correct. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. And a scientist only. 


Dr. MiLosLAVicH. Correct. 

Mr. Sheehan. May I ask one further question ? 

Professor, as long as we are lookin<]i: into the scientific aspect of 
this, in your experience have you ever gone into any other graves 
or seen any other bodies of military or civilians in any other place 
behind the iron curtain which might lead to conclusions about the 
method of killing? 

Dr. MiLOSLAvicii. Yes. 

Mr. Sheehan. Where was that? 

Dr. IMiLOSLAViCH. In the Katyn Forest on the left side of the main 
road there were several — it would be better to say many — small 
graves. I asked Professor Buhtz to examine one of those graves. 
Then we found that those men were Kussians who had been killed 
maybe 10 or 15 years prior to the Katyn affair and buried in that 
place. The technique of the gunshot wound, the so-called as I con- 
tinue to mention the name, "nacken schuss," was exactly the same. 
The hands had been bound at their backs just exactly the same and 
the winter coat put upon their head just exactly the same in the graves 
on the left side of the main road in the Katyn Forest. 

Mr. Sheehan. They were not Polish officers, though. They were 

Dr. MiLOSLAVicH. Civilians. 

Mr. Sheehan. In other words, the similarity to the way these old 
graves were, the killing, the "nacken schuss" and the hands tied behind 
the back, was similar to the way the Polish officers were killed? 

Dr. MiLOSLAViCH. I wouldn't say similar. I would say identical. 

Mr. Sheetian. Identical. In other words, the Russians have al- 
ways held this particular territory, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Flood. Professor, did you ever see any pictures in American 
newspapers and American newsreels or any place within the past 2 
years of the bodies of American soldiers killed in Korea with their 
hands tied behind their backs ? Did you observe or any place see such 
pictures ? 

Dr. MiLOSLAviCH. Mr. Congressman 

Mr. Flood. You didn't? Did you or didn't you? 

Dr. MiLosLAviCH. No, I didn't. 

Chairman Madden. Any further questions ? 

Doctor, on behalf of the committee I want to pay this compliment 
to you by reason of your actions back in 1943, when you devoted your 
own time and expense and services in going to the Katyn graves to try 
to ascertain through scientific study for the benefit of the future the 
facts regarding the execution of these Polish officers. You also have 
made a great sacrifice in coming up here today from your home. Your 
actions on both occasions have been highly patriotic. In behalf of 
the committee and the Congress we want to thank you for coming here 
and testifying. As long as there are no further questions, you are 

Let me make this announcement: This afternoon we will hear three 
witnesses and the committee will now adjourn until 1 : 30. 

(Whereupon, at 12: 15 p. m., the hearing was recessed until 1:30 
p. m., the same day.) 



Chairman Madden. The committee will come to order. 

The first witness this afternoon will be Mrs. Irena Hajduk Metelica. 
Irene Hajduk is the maiden name and the present name is Mrs. Irena 
H. Metelica. 

The witness will be sworn. 

Do yon solemnly swear the testimony you will give at the hearings 
now being held will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the 
truth, so help you God? 

Mrs. Metelica. I do. 


Chairman Madden. Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Mitchell. Mr. Chairman, for the record I would like to advise 
the committee that our witness came to us voluntarily this morning. 
The committee staff did not interrogate her. This is her own state- 
ment. She would prefer to tell the story as she knows it. I will pro- 
ceed by asking her a few questions as to where she was born, if I may, 

Chairman Madden. Proceed. 

Mr. Mitchell. Wliat is your present address ? 

Mrs. Metelica. 2647 South Kedzie Avenue. 

Mr. Mitchell. You said your present address is 2647 Kedzie 
Avenue, Chicago ? 

Mrs. Metelica. Chicago. 

Mr. Mitchell. Where were you born? 

Mrs. Metelica. I was born in Poland in the town of 

Mr. Mitchell. Swear the interpreter in, please. 

Chairman Madden. Do you solemnly swear you will interpret the 
testimony the witness gives to be the truth, so help you, God? 

Mr. Roman Pucinski. I do. 

Mr. Mitchell. Let's conduct it this way. She will tell her story 
in Polish and the interpreter will repeat it for the benefit of the 

(The remainder of Mrs. Metelica's testimony was given through the 
interpreter, Mr. Roman Pucinski.) 

Mr. Mitchell. Where were you born? 

Mrs. Metelica. Hel, Lubeiski. 

Mr. Mitchell. When? Wliat date? 

Mrs. Metelica. 15th of January 1926. 

Mr. Mitchell. Where were you living in September 1939? 

Mrs. Metelica. In Lomza. That is near Bialj^stok. The town is 
L-o-m-z-a, the province is B-i-a-l-y-'S-t-o-k. 

Mv. ISIiTCHELL. Were you living with your parents at that time? 

Mrs. Metelica. Yes. 

]\Ir. Mitchell. Will you tell us the full name of your father and 
mother ? 

Mrs. Metelica. My father's name was Pawel Hajduk, H-a-j-d-u-k, 
and my mother's name was Janina, J-a-n-i-n-a. 

Mr. Mitchell. Did you have any brothers and sisters? 

Mrs. Metelica. I had one brother. 


Mr. Mitchell. Where is he now ? 

Mrs. Metelica. He is in Enghmd. 

Mr. Mitchell. Where is your mother? 

Mrs. INIetelica. My mother is in England also. 

Mr. Mitchell. Where is your father? 

Mrs. Metelica, He was killed in Katyn. He had been at Staro- 

Chairman Madden. Starobeilsk prison camp? 

Mrs. Metelica. Yes. 

Mr. Mitchell. What was your father's occupation before the war? 

Mrs. Metelica. He was a professional soldier. He had always been 
in the Army. 

Mr. Mitchell. Which army ? 

Mrs. Metelica. The Polish Army. 

Mr. Mitchell. Where was he in September 1939? 

Mrs. Metelica. He was in Lwow, L-w-o-w. 

Mr. Mitchell. When did you last see your father? 

Mrs. SIetelica. The 13th of September 1939. 

Mr. Mitchell. That was the last day you saw your father? 

]SIrs. JMetelica. That is correct. 

Mr. Mitchell. Where ? 

Mrs. Metelica. The last time I saw my father Avas in a little vil- 
lage near Rowne, R-o-w^-n-e. 

Mr. Machrowicz. At that time where were you living? 

Mrs. Metelica. We were evacuated from Lomaz. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Where were you evacuated to ? 

Mrs. Metelica. Lubielski. 

Mv. Machrowicz. To the Lubielski Province ; is that it ? 

INIrs. Metelica. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz, By Lubielski Province you mean the Province 
of Lublin, the province surrounding the city of Lublin? 

Mrs. Metelica. Yes, 

And then we retreated eastward as the German armies advanced, 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you recollect when the Russians invaded 
Poland? Do you rememl)er the date? 

Mrs. Metelica. 16th of September. 

Mr. Machrowicz, Of 1939 ? 

Mrs. Metelica, Yes. That is correct. 

Mr. Mitchell. How old were you at that time ? 

Mrs. Metelica. I was 13 years old at the time. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Where was your father then ? 

Mrs. Metelica, In Lwow. 

Mr, Mitchell, With the Polish Army? 

Mrs, Metelica, Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. How long were you in the Province of Lublin? 

]VIrs. Metelica. We were there about 10 days. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And then from there where were you taken ? 

Mrs. Melelica. We then were evacuated to Rowne. But we didn't 
get to Rowne, because the Russians intercepted our flight, 

Mr. ISIaciirowicz, What happened to you then? 

Mrs. Metelica, We reniaiiUHl in the same village, and then the Rus- 
sians ordered us to return back to our original homes, 

Mr. Machrowicz, Did vou do that? 


Mrs. Metelica. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Then what happened to yon ? 

Mrs. Metelica. We retnrned to Lomza 2 months later, 

Mr. Machrowicz. What happened to yon in Lomza ? 

jNIrs. Metelica. I resnmed attending school, and my brother was 
engaged in some construction work. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What happened to yonr father after the Kus- 
sians invaded Poland ? 

Mrs. Metelica. We had no knowledge of my father until the end 
of October. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Of 1939 ? 

Mrs. Metelica. Yes. 

Mr. ]\Iachrowicz. Then did yon see him or did you get a letter 
from him I 

Mrs. INIetelica. A friend of my father had written a letter to his 

Mr. MACHR0"^^^cz. Where from? 

Mrs. Metelica. From Starobielsk. 

]Mr. INIachrowicz. And Starobielsk Avas one of the three major 
prison camps in which the Polish officers were held by Russians, is 
that correct? 

Mrs. Metelica. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did this friend of yours say that j-our father 
was there also ? 

Mrs. Metelica. Yes. 

]\Ir. Machrow^icz. Did you hear from your father after that? 

]\Irs. Metelica. No. My mother wrote first. 

Mr. Machrowicz. When did she write? 

Mrs. Metelica. It was either in October or in November that she 
wrote her first letter. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Tliat is still 1939? 

Mrs. Metelica. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you get an answer? Did your mother get 
an answer from your father? 

Mrs. Metelica. Yes; we received an answer before Christmas. 

Mr. Machrow^icz. At that time where was he? 

ISIrs. ]\Ietelica. At that time my father was at Starobielsk and he 
had inquired through tlie Red Cross as to our whereabouts. 

]\Ir. Machrowicz. Did your motlier hear from him after that? 

Mrs. Metelica. Yes ; we received two subsequent letters from him. 

INIr. Machrowicz. On M'hat dates and from where ? 

INfrs. Metelica. The dates I do not recall exactly, but the letters 
were from Starobielsk. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Can you tell what month and what year? 

Mrs. Metelica. The two following letters were received in January 
and March of 1940. 

Mr. Machrowicz. After March 1940 when your mother heard from 
your father at Starobielsk did you ever hear from him again? 

Mrs. Metelica. Yes. We had one more letter from him. 

Mr. Machrowicz. When? 

Mrs. Metelica. That was in June from Russia. We received a 
letter when we were in Siberia in June of 1940. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Wliat was the date of that last letter? 


Mr. Metelica. His letter was dated the 4tli of April 1940. 

Mr. Machrowicz. At that time you and your mother were in 

Mrs. Metelica. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. How did you happen to be in Siberia? 

Mrs. Metelica. We were deported to Siberia as members of a Polish 
officer's family. 

Mr. Machro"s\^cz. Did the Russians deport the families of the 
Polish officers to Siberia? 

Mrs. Metelica. That is correct ; yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What was the rank of your father, by the way? 

Mrs. Metelica. My father was a major. 

Mr. Machrowicz. He was an officer until the last time you heard 
from him ? 

Mrs. Metelica. Yes. 

Mr. Mitchell. What was your father's first name ? 

Mrs. Metelica. Pawel. 

Mr. Machrowicz. After the letter dated April 1940, did you ever 
get another letter from him ? 

Mrs. Metelica. No, we did not. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you or your mother write to him again ? 

Mrs. Metelica. Yes, my mother wrote another letter. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you remember approximately what date? 

Mrs. Metelica. No, I do not recall. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do vou recall what time of the year? Was it 

Mrs. Metelica. It was in June of 1940. 

Mr. Machrowicz. "V^^iat happened to that letter ? 

Mrs. Metelica. The letter was returned with a postscript, a nota- 
tion, that "You will not find him again." 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you know who made that notation? 

Mrs. Metelica. No, I do not. The notation was written in the 
Russian language. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What happened to that letter? 

Mrs. Metelica. The NKVD took the letter away from us when 
we were leaving Russia. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Was that the last time you ever had any further 
information regarding your father's whereabouts ? 

Mrs. Metelica. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Then, as I understand, you say that the last time 
your mother ever heard from your father was a letter dated some time 

Mrs. Metelica. Yes. 

Mr. INTiTCiiELL. Did you write any letters yourself? 

Mrs. Metelica. I had written letters to my father from Poland. 

Mr. Mitchell. What happened to those letters? 

Mrs. Metelica. My father did not receive those letters. He received 
only two from my family. 

Mr. Mitchell. Did you write to anybody else ? 

Mrs. Metelica. My mother had written several letters to friends, 
my father's friends, from the same regiment that he was in. 

Mr. Mitchell. What information did your mother receive as a 
result of those letters? 

Mrs. Metelica. All of the letters were returned with the same Rus- 
sian inscription, "You will not find him." 


Mr. Machrowicz. Did you make any attempts through any au- 
thorities, Polish or Russian, to locate your father ? 

Mrs. Metelica. I had written a letter to Stalin. 

Mr. Machrowicz. When? 

Mrs. Metelica. Around Christmas of 1911. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What result did you get from that letter ? 

Mrs. Metelica. We received a copy of an order addressed to the 
general headquarters of the NKVD at Minsk, which requested the 
address of my father. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you get any further response after that? 

Mrs. Metelica. Two months later we received a letter from Minsk 
advising us that they cannot supply us with my father's address be- 
cause they cannot locate him. 

Mr. Machrowicz. How long have you been in this country? 

Mrs. IMetelica. One year. March 5 has been 1 year. 

Mr. Mitchell. When did you and your mother first hear about 
your father after 1940? 

Mrs. Metelica. We learned of my father in Teheran in 1942. 

Mr. Mitchell, How did you learn that ? 

Mrs. Metelica. General Anders had been making inquiries as to 
the whereabouts of the Polish soldiers, and he was told that they were 
taken to the Island of Franz Joseph. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Other than the fact that no further information 
was received from your father after April 1940, is there anything 
else that you have to add to this committee which would shed some 
light on the Katyn incident? 

Mrs. Metelica. No ; I cannot. 

Mr. Mitchell. Were you or your mother ever informed officially 
by any government about your father ? 

Mrs. Metelica. My mother had written letters to Major Czapski 
and to General Anders, and she received replies informing her that 
my f atlier had been murdered at Katyn. 

Mr. ]MiTCHELL. Where is your mother todaj^ ? 

Mrs. Metelica, In England. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You have never seen the official list of the prison- 
ers of the Soviet forces in Kozielsk, Starobielsk and Ostashkov ? 

Mrs. Metelica. No, I did not. 

Mr. IMachrowicz. For the record I would like to state that I have 
this official list of the former Polish prisoners at the three prison 
camps that I mentioned, and there appears at the bottom of page 256 
the name of Pawel Hajduk, major of infantry. 

Mr. Mitchell. Mr. Chairman, I would like at this time to introduce 
the book Mr. Machrowicz is referring to as exhibit 5-A and have it 
placed in the appendix of this record. It is the most authoritative list 
of Polish prisoners in these three camps that we have found to date, 

Mr. Maddex. The book will be admitted as exhibit 5-A. 

(The book Katyn List was marked "Exhibit 5-A" and appears in 
the appendix of these hearings.) 

Chairman Maddex. Will you take a look at this and see if that is at 
the bottom of the page a.s underlined with that pencil mark? 

Mrs. Metelica. Yes. My father was a major. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Is that the first time you have seen his name 
on this official list of prisoners interned at these three camps ? 

Mrs. Metelica. Yes. 


Mr. FuRCOLO. You said one envelope was returned marked "You 
will not find him a<rain." What happened to the other letters { "Were 
they also taken from you when you left Siberia 'i 

Mrs. Metelica. All of the letters, including the letter from Stalin 
and including my father's photographs, were taken away from us at 
the time that we were leaving Russia. 

Chairman Madden. The committee wishes to thank you for coming" 
here. Your testimony is very valuable, and we appreciate your sin- 
cere efi'ort to help the committee. 

Mr. Bronislaw Mlynarski, do you solemnly swear the testimony you 
will give in the hearing now on trial will be the truth, the whole 
truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. I do. 


Mr. Mitchell. Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, Mr. 
Mlynarski has volunteered to testify before this committee. He was 
one of the officers assigned by General Anders to investigate the miss- 
ing Polish Army officers during 1941 and 1942 after amnesty had been 
granted, wdiich was on August 1, 1941. An associate in conducting 
this search was Joseph Czapski. The witness has requested that he 
be permitted to make his statement and then be interrogated after he 
has concluded. 

Mr. Maciirowicz. Before he tells the story, will you question the 
witness as to his present address, and what he is doing, and then we 
will let him tell the story. Identify the witness. 

]Mr. Mitchell. Will you state your full name for the record? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Bronislaw Mlynarski. 

Mr. Mitchell. AVhat is your present address ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. 7203 Franklin Aveiuie, Los Angeles, Calif. 

Mr. Mitchell. When were you born ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Twenty-first of October 1899. 

Mr. Mitchell. Wliere were you born? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Warsaw, Poland. 

Mr. Mitchell. What was your occupation before September 1939 ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. I was vice director of the Polish Gdynia American 

Mr. Mitchell. Did you have any experience in the army before 
September 1939? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Yes. 

Mr. Mitchell. In wdiat capacity ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. I will have to go back to the Russo-Polish War of 

Mr. Mitchell. Were you an officer at that time ? 

Mr. Mly^narski. I started as a private and I ended as a second 

Mr. Mitchell. Where were you on September 1 , 1939 ? 

Mr. Mly'Narski. In Warsaw. 

Mr. Mitchell. In Warsaw. 

Chairman Madden. Will you speak a little louder? The audience 
cannot hear. 

Mr. Mitchell. When did you come to the United States? 

Mr. Mlynarski. On January 5, 1946. 

Mr. Mitchell. What is your citizenship today? 


Mr. Mltnarski. United States of America. 

Mr. Mitchell. You are a citizen of the United States? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Mitchell. You stated that your present address is Los Angeles ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Correct. 

Mr. Mitchell. What is your occupation? 

Mr. Mlynarski. I am a broker in commercial affairs. I am run- 
ning my own little enterprise. 

Mr. Mitchell. Will you start with the date September 1, 1939, 
and tell Mr. Madden and the members of the committee your ex- 
periences, please? 

Mr. Flood. Were you a reserve officer or regular army officer? 

Mr. Mlynarski. I was a reserve officer. 

Mr. Flood. Wlien were you called to active duty ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. I joined the army on the third of September 1939. 

Mr. Flood. In what capacity did you serve, what branch of the 

Mr. Mlynarski. In the engineers, the sappers. 

Mr. Flood. Where were you called up to duty? 

Mr. Mlynarski. I started in Warsaw. That was the original nu- 
cleus of my battalion. 

Mr. Flood. Were you a line officer or a statf officer? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Well, I was then a line officer, but because of my 
age — I was then 39, almost 40 — I became a staff officer. 

Mr. Flood. Will you go ahead in your own way, then ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. I will ask you, if you please, to tell me or rather 
to indicate to me, how far shall I go into the details of my first period 
and my second period, and so on, because I am afraid that my story 
may be too lengthy if I go into great detail. 

Chairman Madden. I will say, we are glad to have you here and we 
would like to have all testimony that will aid this committee in pre- 
senting evidence to the Congress regarding the Katyn massacre, and 
if your testimony takes 30 minutes or 10 hours, we will listen. We 
would like to hear all the facts. So our time is your time. 

Mr. jSIlynarski. Thank you. 

I will try to be concise and to the point and omit those facts which 
are not too pertinent. I will try to go ahead with the most important 

The beginning has been repeated many times in books and is known 
to the world. With my unit I drifted and fought the Germans con- 
siderably. We drifted eastward. On the crucial day — and I would 
like in this manner to correct my predecessor, the young lady. The 
17th of September is a historical date. It wasn't the 16th. I was at 
that time stationed in a town called Dubno, D-u-b-n-o, about 60 kilo- 
meters in a straight line from the Soviet border. The first flash of the 
news crossed the border just in no time because we saw airplanes flying 
in a most strange direction. We were used to the German planes 
flying and maneuvering in the early hours of the morning in a certain 
very precise routine. This morning at about 7 o'clock we saw a for- 
mation of about 30 airplanes strong that were heading straight from 
the east, westward. We thought that perhaps that a new maneuver, 
so we didn't pay much attention to it, but we heard ack ack and silence 
after a few rounds, our own in the vicinity. We rushed to those boj^s 
who were specialists in reading the skies, which we were not, and in 


a matter of minutes we discovered that those 30 airplanes were Soviet 

That same instant was a moment which I will never forget, a mo- 
ment of great enthusiasm and happiness. We thought that despite our 
misunderstandings, throughout not only the last decades but cen- 
turies, that the two Slavic nations would come together to fight the 
Teutonic foe. That was a mirage that lasted for exactly only a few 
hours because we heard news coming from the front line that on the 
same day at 5 o'clock in the morning on that whole enormous line 
starting from the Lithuanian border, about 550 miles long, the Soviet 
Red Army crossed the Polish border in great strength on that same 
morning, and crossed the border with force and with no aspect of 

From there on we started changing our plans. Of course I was a 
subaltern of my experience, and we did what we were ordered. In 
other words, we went approximately southward in order to be in a 
belt between the squeezing Gernums, who were rushing from the west^ 
and the new forces that were heading westward. So we had a narrow 
belt that by the hours was getting narrower and narrower. 

Unfortunately, my lot and the lot of those who were with me, like 
in a river with many tributaries, became a mass of about 25,000 men. 
Ultimately on the 19th, that is 2 days later, we could not reach either 
the Hungarian border through mountain passes down there or the 
Rumanian border which was still further away. 

Mr. Flood. At that point do you know whether or not — because of 
your low rank you may not have known at that time — ^but do 3'ou know 
or have you heard since that tlie Polish high command had given 
instructions that all Polish troops, if possible, should escape into 
Hungary ? Are you aware of any such order ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. I will try to reply to that question. 

On the 17th, on that crucial day, a little later in the afternoon, about 
1 or 2 o'clock in the afternoon, our then superior, a general by the 
name of Bohaterowicz, B-o-h-a-t-e-r-o-w-i-c-z 

Mr. Maciiroavicz. Incidentally, Mr. Witness, that is the same gen- 
tlenum who was testified to by Dr. Miloslavich this morning. 

Mr. Mlynarski. I didn't hear that. That is the same man who is 
among the four generals that were inmates of the Kozielsk camp. 

That general told us in a very wonderful speech, short, that despite 
the fact that we hear now with our ears that the Russians have entered 
our lands not as friends, but foes, yet we have to obey orders that 
come from high headquarters which he conveys to us that we have 
no right to oppose the Russian forces if we meet them on our road 
on which we are headed. We did not hear any otlier orders, sir — at 
least I did not — with regard to reaching this or that or other outlets 
of Poland. 

Mr. Flood. But because of the pressure you were being channeled 
into that direction. 

Mr. INIlynarskt. That is right. We never were told, like a sinking 
shi]), you know, do what you can, Ihe best. We did not get that kind 
of ordei-. However, many did, naturally. Anyway, on the 19th of 
Se))tember in a little hamlet in the southeast of Polaud at about 7 
o'clock in the eveniug the head of that enoruious chain, that enormous 
serpent, was furiouslj- attacked by cannon fire aiul uiachine guns, and 


SO on. We staged a small defense, I was very near the head. We 
scrambled out of the car as best we could. AVe had no arms, except 
I had a pistol. 80 did my colleagues. Very few even had actual car- 
bines. AVe staged a defense, a hopeless defense that lasted 45 minutes. 
We had a river in front of us, a small river, and a bridge. A little 
later we had a lot of wounded, and also we had bad explosions of gaso- 
line, because they were throwing us incendiary bullets from the 
machine guns. 

Mr. Flood. T\Tio was firing on you ? What troops ? 

Mr. Mlynakski. May I tell you in a minute ? I did not know, al- 
though we guessed, I think. A few minutes later we sent our dele- 
gation across the bridge, parliamentaries, that we give in because 
we can't defend ourselves. That is the first time I saw the Soviet 
men, fully armed, who took us from there on. 

Mr. Flood. At that point, and on that date in September 1939 there 
had been no declaration of war; there had been no declaration of hos- 
tilities, as far as the Soviet and Poland were concerned? 

Mr. Mltnarski. Correct, sir. 

Now I will shorten my story, because that is rather grim, but also 

Mr. JNIitchell. I would like to ask one question there. You said 
members of your organization went over to talk with the group of 
Soviets ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Yes ; two officers. 

Mr. Mitchell. Do you know who they were? 

Mr. Mlynarski. I recollect them very well, but I wouldn't remem- 
ber their names. It lasted a few minutes. We saw them in the darken- 
ing day on the other side of the river. 

Mr. ]Mitciiell. What happened to you from there on ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. From there on I may only add as a matter of 
record that I and all the thousands with me were treated most brutally 
in the first days. We were stripped of everything which we had on us, 
which as a matter of fact made things lighter for me because I had to 
march afterwards 175 kilometers. Otherwise I would have thrown 
away even my little bag, if I had one. From there on we crossed by 

Mr. Flood. May I interupt again. I am very sorry that we have to 
do this this way, but you are obviously a very intelligent witness and I 
don't want to upset you any. 

Mr. ISIlynarski. Not at all. 

Mr. Flood. When you say we were forced to march 175 kilometers 
and we were stripped of our accoutrements, and we were treated very 
brutally, do you mean officer personnel and enlisted personnel or was 
there a separation of officer personnel from noncommissioned officer 
personnel ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. In the very first heat of being taken prisoners of 
war there was no distinction between officers and men at all. 

Mr. Flood. Was one made subsequently? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Yes, very soon afterwards. 

Mr. Flood. How soon afterwards ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Twenty-four hours exactly, on the road while we 
were marching, after the first night we spent in the open. They 
segregated the officers and men quite separately to such an extent that 
we lost sight of those men afterwards. 


Mr. Flood. They separated them. Who separated them ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Pardon me. That means the Soviets. 

Mr. Flood. Were they military officers or NKVD? 

Mr. Mlynakski. At the first moment and from there on until we 
crossed the Russian border, which is about, to be right in days, about 
3 to 4 days, we were only under the guard of the Russian Soviet Army, 
which is a mighty difference. From there on we were in the care of 
the armed police forces. 

After crossing the Russian border we camped for 2 days 

Mr. Flood. I want to make this clear. Twenty-four hours after you 
were taken prisoner the Russian military escort separated the officers 
from the enlisted personnel ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Yes, as best they could do. 

Mr. Flood. As best they could. Then your crowd were marched 
175 kilometers over Ihe Russian border as officer personnel? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Flood. You mean the Russian military compelled officers of the 
Polish Army to walk 170-some kilometers? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Yes. The 175 is the total length of my journey by 
foot, you see. 

Mr. Flood. From Poland into Russia. 

Mr. Mlynarski. Yes, from the spot, that handet where I was taken 

Mr. Flood. Right. But the important thing I want to bring out is 
that as officers, identified as officers of the Polish Army, with which 
the Russians at that time had no controversy legally, you were inarched 
as captives 175 kilometers. 

Mr. Mlynarski. Quite correct, and we were distinctly separated, 
as I say, about 24 hours after we were taken. 

Mr. Sheehan. What date was that ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. That was on the 20th of September. 

Mr. Mitchell. 1939. 

Mr. Mlynarski. 1939. We were always in that time now. When 
we arrived at an intermediate spot where we stayed about 2 days we 
had already met batches of other men. I am speaking now only of 
officers because meanwdiile on that inarch I lost the enormous queue of 
the privates. 

How long that was I never saw, because I would say without ex- 
aggeration on the rolling land of the border on the other side of the 
Bug River you could see sometimes three or four kilometers distance 
easily and you saw the line never ending. From that spot we were 
loaded into trains 

Mr. Mitchell. You are now inside Russia. 

Mr. Mlynarski. I am now inside of Russia, about 70 or 80 kilo- 
meters inside Russia on a railroad junction. I have it in my notes but 
1 don't remember the name. It is not pertinent. We were loaded into 
trains on a dark night. Those things are done only at night. At that 
time — I am underlining, gentlemen, from now on I am talking about 
officers alone — the strength of that tiny little intermediate camp was 
well over 2,000 men. We counted ourselves very easily because there 
was a roll call and we knew the number pretty close. That night — it 
would be aproximately the 26th of September — we were loaded into 
one big ti'ain consisting of cars, box cars, very well known in Russia, 


without any partitions ; in other words for the men who travel in those 
cars this way, boards in two layers, making things easier. They were 
just straight cars without any boards at all. I am underlining that 
fact, and I am stressing that subject a little bit for a certain purpose. 
It was pretty rough and tough. 

In the car in which I was loaded there were 88 men. You can 
visualize the conveniences. From there we were traveling as far as 
we could understand, according to the beams of sun and so forth, we 
were heading very distinctly eastward. Because of the holes xn that 
particular form of conveyance we saw of course quite a lot of land, 
and it was easy to keep our bearings correct. We passed Kiev; we 
passed a number of smaller places. In fact, in two spots we were 
fed. I think that was one of the most decent dinners I ever had in 
Russia, which was not especially out of any coi.rtesy paid to us. It 
was simply that they existed. Those are enormous organizations that 
Russia has at certain railroad junctions where they feed those who 
travel en masse. 

As you gentlemen are probably well aware, there is a lot of mass 
movement in Russia since the early twenties. Nations have been 
moved from place to place, and those in responsibility had to feed 
them. So we were enjoying that hospitality in those places twice at 

Finally, on the 30th of September at about 7 o'clock, on a rather 
coolish though pretty sunny morning — there was frost then already 
there — the train stopped at a station called Starobielsk. That name 
didn't mean much to us. Neither did we know whether that was the 
end of our journey or not. But soon we were ordered to leave the cars 
with an order which afterwards became immensely familiar to our 
ears. I will just make a little clisgression here. 

There are two orders which sound this way. I will say it in Russian 
and translate it into English. One is Sobiraysia, just one word, and 
the other is Sobiraysia S Vieshchami. Those two expressions differ 
immensely in their final course of events. The first, Sobiraysia, means 
"Be ready." That means "Be ready without your things." That had 
applied probably to millions of Soviets for the last 30 years, in their 
homes, and so forth, where they are called for interrogation by dif- 
ferent bodies of the period. The other word is much more grim. 
"Sobiraysia S. Vieshchami" means that you will be moved somewhere 
else, that it is not for interrogation purposes alone, but that you will 
be moved with your little personal possessions, whatever you have, 
somewhere else. 

In that particular case at Starobielsk we all heard the order "Get 
out of the cars with your things." Which meant that we were going 
to stay at that station. 

Mr. Flood. Do you understand Russian? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Did you at that time? 

Mr. Mlynarski. I did. 

From there on we were in pretty good order. We were pretty tired, 
but that was all right. We marched through the little city in daylight. 
That was quite an amazing sight, because for the first time we saw the 
local population of that remote village; not a village, it is a town, in 
the eastern confines of the Ukraine Republic. We marched through 

93744— 52— pt. 3- 10 


the town with a lot of onlookers, mostly women and children, with no 
hostility expressed in their faces at all. Curiosity was the most sig- 
nificant thing we saw in their eyes. 

From there on, not far away at all, on the street called Kirov, a very 
popular street in all towns in Russia, we were led into a compound 
surrounded by a very tall wall about 3 meters high. 

Mr. Flood. About how many men were in that contingent, if you 
know or can guess. At that moment how many marched through the 
town that day? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Quite a few now. I would say three or four thou- 
sand at least, although it was a working day. 

Mr. Flood. Were you still in uniform? 

Mr. Mlynarski. We were in full uniform. 

Mr. Flood. What kind of uniform? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Polish Army uniforms. 

Mr. Flood. What did it consist of? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Most of us still had our greatcoats. 

Mr. Flood. What do you mean by ''greatcoats"? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Overcoats. Many of us had these. 

Mr. Flood. Polish Army winter uniform? 

Mr. Mlynarski. No; I wouldn't call them winter at all. Those 
overcoats were winter. Otherwise our tunics and our breeches were 
not at all. Mine was very, very thin, tropical. 

Mr. Flood. Did you wear boots ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Yes; I had high boots. That is the type. 

Mr. Flood. W^hat color? 

Mr. Mlynarski. The boots were black. 

Mr. Flood. Did most of the other officers dress about the same way 
you did? 

Mr. Mlynarski. About the same, but they varied, naturally. Boots 
are something which have to be very good for a long march, and we 
had to walk on those roads with their sharp stones, which wore out 
the boots pretty soon, you know. 

Mr. Flood. One more question before you go on. Xow that you 
have reached the prison camp of Starobielsk, if 3^011 know, if you 
had an opportunity at that early moment to discover, what percentage 
of these officers that walked through the town with you that first day 
wei'e reservists as contrasted to regular army ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Yes; I can tell you that precisely, although it 
is a vei-y sharp cut. I w^ould say generally, because it is based on our 
further knowledge of our inmates, there were more than 50 percent 
reservists, and out of that 50 percent there was a very high percent 
of quite young men, well under 30. 

Mr. Flood. Go ahead. 

Mr. Mlynarski. That first trainload consisted of over 2,000 men. 
We were the very first on that day, the 30th of September 1939, to 
enter the Starobielsk camp. 

If you will allow me to show you a little piece of paper, it is my 

strictly private affair 

Chairman Madden. Let me say this : I think the witness is making 
a very good presentation, and unless there is something really im- 
portant, I will ask the members not to interrupt until you get through 
with your presentation, and then we will ask you questions. 


Mr. Mlyxakski. If you please, sir. I am speaking now about the 
Starobielsk monastery, because that is what it actually was. Unfor- 
tunately I haven't the legend down here in English. Perhaps you 
may ask your colleague if he wishes to see this. I did this myself from 
memory, but I can assure you gentlemen that the precision of it is 
very right. 

Mr. Mitchell. Congressman Machrowicz, will you interpret what 
tliat is, please? 

Mr. Machrowicz. This is a sketch of the camp at Starobielsk; is it 

Mr. Mlyxarski. Tliat is correct. 

Mr. FuRcoLo. What is the date ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Thirtieth of September 1931). That was early 
morning, gentlemen. A few hours later, I think about 4 or 5 o'clock 
in the afternoon, a new batch arrived, about 2,500 sti'ong, all officers, 
and they were spilled into the same camp. 

On the following day, which was the 1st of October, the camp was 
almost bursting. I am saying that emphatically. The camp was then 
filled with at least 4,500 officers, and at least 6,000 privates. So the 
camp was well over 10,000 men. If you look at my little map there 
and use your imagination, there was hardly a spot in that confine 
that was not filled with human bodies somehow or other. Certainly 
there was no room under roof. 

In those days, in those first days the camp was hardly built at all. 
There were only a few renuiants of buildings, half destructed, with 
the exception of the middle center church and a kind of additional 
religious building — I don't know the name of it — which we later 
called the circus because our boys lived there in the number of 600 
and lived exactly like apes can live, in layers 8 stories high. 

I am underlining, gentlemen, this which is to my modest under- 
standing of events, a fact which is important. Just a while ago I 
explained the question of Mr. P^lood whether we were separated or not. 
That means officers and men. We were. Now all of a sudden we are 
again mixed all together. This did not last long. The privates which 
were then about 6,000 were deported, and the deportation started in 
the very first days of November. In other words, we were together 
about a month. 

To give tribute to those boys whom I never saw afterward, I can 
assure you gentlemen that not only myself but many other of my col- 
leagues, officeis, who were treated much worse than they were — by 
"they" I mean our soldiers — they had plenty of all sorts of little com- 
forts which they gave us most generously. I don't want to become 
pathetic, but if I saved my hands and legs from frost and so forth, it 
was due to the fact that those boys gave me all the necessary things 
to wear. 

They left the camp in several batches starting in the very first 
of November. The lot of those men is a very interesting story in 
itself. I am told that some of them were returned, brought back to 
Poland. I have never personally had any confirmation of that fact. 
But let's suppose that that was true, that a certain number may have 
been returned to Poland. However, later — I have to jump now 2 
years ahead — when I was working in the so-called front line in one 
of the rallj'ing points of the Polish Army tlien being reinstated in 


Soviet Kussia, I and quite a number of my friends — we called ourselves 
working in the front lines. The front line consisted of simply stand- 
ing in a certain place and waiting, and receiving those hundreds and 
thousands of Polish soldiers who were streaming from all the hun- 
dreds upon hundreds of penal servitude camps all over Soviet Russia 
to join the Polish Army. The very first question which we always 
asked of our boys in the receiving front line was, "Were you among 
the first batch of 5,000 or 6,000 that left Starobielsk No. 1 ?" 

I will come to an enumeration, gentlemen, which I am afraid you 
will have to learn. There was a Starobielsk No. 2. Never did I have 
a word of knowledge about those boys that left that camp in early 
November 1939. But, gentlemen, as your wonderful task is to con- 
centrate and confine your work on the one specific tragedy of the 
Polish Nation, I think we should disregard those others which were 
lost in this way or that w^ay, who amount to innumerable thousands 
of men, both in army men and in the civilian population, of whom 
this young lady was one of the examples. 

Life then was applied in that particular camp only to officers. 
When the privates left we were much more comfortable, and not only 
that, due to the amazing energy of — I listed his name on the very 
first page — Major Zaleski, a sapper also, who became the Polish camp 
commandant, only in the capacity of easing our affairs and being in 
touch with the Russians daily and nightly, to get the food, to distribute 
tlie food, to build kitchens, et cetera, and to build additional barracks 
because we virtually had nowhere to live. We got the material, slowly, 
but we did. Amazingly, we got some nice lumber, and we got some 
nails whicli are weighed in Russia, I think almost as gold, and other 
things so that we could erect a few buildings. 

I made a note of that in my book. 

Chairman Madden. Let me interrupt. Let me say you have been 
now testifying for some time. If you want a couple of minutes recess 
indicate your desire at any time. 

Mr. Mlynarski. That is all right. I can go on. Why I am men- 
tioning that the life had changed since the boys left is this, and I 
would like you gentlemen to use a litte bit of your imagination. You 
see, the officers in Poland in those days still belonged — by no means 
misunderstand me — not to a class, but they were formed by virtue of 
the fact that they became officers and tliey were members of the 
Polish so-called intelligentsia. The other boys were wonderful boys, 
but they lacked just that moment of education. In other words, 
whatever happened at the camp to us from the point of view of the 
endeavors to indoctrinate us could not be applied to those boys be- 
cause there are other ways of teaching those boys and other ways 
of teaching us. So from there on we were in a kind of cauldron and 
were continuously under the pressure of somehow teaching us what 
life should be and what a wrong life we led in our previous days. 

That thing, gentlemen — I am shortening this — ran into all forms 
you can imagine. We were flooded with a vile Polish press, which 
I never knew existed. One paper was edited in Kharkow and the 
other was edited in Kiev, all in the Polish language, a most awful 
.distorted language; anything that was written in those papers pub- 
lished on the Soviet soil for the many, many Poles, persons of Polish 
•extraction that lived in those parts of the Ukraine. So we had those 


papers which made our blood boih We had quite a few newspapers, 
Pravda and Izvestia and the Red Stars, the military organ, that were 
distributed to us from the Russians. 

I am underlining the press, gentlemen. In those days the Russian 
press had but bad things to tell us about ourselves, and that is very 
painful. Those moral flailings are sometimes more painful than 
physical ill-treatment. This went on for many months. 

Besides, there were other means, too. There was the radio. The 
radio was installed, as it is probably now, in any place, almost, that 
had four walls. The only difference from the radio in the world in 
which we are living here is that the radio in the Soviet Union is not 
removable and not detachable in many cases. We called it the black 
plate because it was just a kind of a black plate, a loud-speaker 
attached to the wall, and that was that. It started its noise from 
7 o'clock in the morning and ended at midnight, without stopping. 
There w^ere some very nice hours which we all enjoyed like the trans- 
missions, the broadcasts of excellent music. Otherwise it was mostly 
propaganda which that enormous poor country is fed continuously 
day and night. That propaganda was very painful ; I underline and 
emphasize, gentlemen, because anything that was said about our 
allies, then Great Britain and France, was fine. Anything that con- 
cerned Poland was just the worst you could imagine. Our men, our 
statesmen, the statesmen of our allies, were slandered in every form 
of speech or print. The sinking, just to give you an example, of a 
ship of our line well known in the United States because it spanned 
the Atlantic since 1935, the motorship Pilsudski, sunk in middle No- 
vember 1939, was quite a nice little sensation in the Russian press, 
where they said that the ship found the right place at the bottom of 
the sea. 

We had also moving pictures. That was really, gentlemen, a 
selection that is hard to relate and to give you an idea of. It only 
showed the completely low level of those onlookers who comprised 
the untold millions of the Soviet Union. Of those I have nothing 
to say. They were fed on those awful pictures that from the begin- 
ning to the end were alwavs some completely fantastic, out-of-this- 
world propaganda stuff. We were showed those pictures. Even so, 
we were shown quite a few little beauties concerning our war in 1920, 
which they had a right to do, but still looking at those pictures was 
not too agreeable to us. 

There was then the person to person, every day and into the night 
contact and indoctrination by the always kind of growing strength 
of the police forces in uniform, the so-called politruks, which is an 
abbreviation. Those are the boys who are especially taught and in- 
structed how to expose around them in their environment, wherever 
those environments may be, the gospel and the ideology of the Soviet 
school of thought. Those men are supposed to talk. They are not 
supposed to be silent. They watched us and they had to talk, com- 
pletely different from the members of the Red Army which we were 
first surrounded with, who didn't talk at all because they had nothing 
to talk about. If we first asked them a few questions, they always 
refrained, saying that they knew nothing about anything. Some of 
those politruks were very clever, some of them were just smart, and 
a few of them I would call not to the level. However, they dragged 


US into conversations. Then those conversations went on at consider- 
able length. If you can imagine the camp at that time, over 40,000 
strong, of intelligent men, many of them prone to talk too much, too, 
the conversation sometimes lagged to the complete defeat of us. "Of 
us" means the Polish officers. As far as challenging and attempting 
to criticize the Soviet order you have to be very well-versed in the 
matters to counteract. If you don't, you lose. 

In many cases Tve lost. But that of course I am putting a little 
bit in a joking manner because, after all, we did not change our views, 
and on the contrary, I think we remained pretty faithful to our old 
M'av of thinking. 

Finally, gentlemen, there was the interrogation individually by 
the members of the NKVD in their special buildings. One building 
was located in the heart of the camp itself. I made a note of it. 
The actual number of the building was Xo. 10. It was a little bit of 
a house always surrounded by barbed wire and a few watchmen. So 
we only learned about the inside of it when we were invited at night 
to have a talk. The other buildings, quite a few of them as a matter 
of fact, were over the road, in the buildings where the administration 
of that camp held its quarters. 

Gentlemen, you probably have heard much about interrogation in 
the Soviet Union. It is quite an experience. My first interrogation 
I had the pleasure of writing in the form of memoirs, and it forms 
one of the chapters of my memoirs. It lasted from midnight until 
I think 4 or 5 o'clock in the morning. There was no physical ill-treat- 
ment, not at all. Those things are done in different ways in different 
quarters of the Soviet Union. In an open place like this camp or the 
Kozielsk camp those things are not done. They are done in different 
places where ill-treatment can be performed with complete ease. How- 
ever, a gun was of course on the table. All sorts of lamps were shining 
straight in your eyes. They were smoking cigarettes right in your 
eyes and not allowing you to smoke, et cetera. I was interrogated 
personally I think about 5 times in Starobielsk, and probably about 
15 times in my later days in other camps. 

Chairman Maddex. Were all those interrogations at night? 

Mr. Mlynakskt. Always. Not once was I interrogated in the day- 

Chairman Madden. In the early morninjr? 

Mr. Mlynarski. In other words, you were dragged very rudely out 
of your bunk in your sleeping quarters. 

Mr. Flood. Hf)W long were you at Starobielsk, how many weeks or 
months ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. I was the first to arrive and the last to leave. 

Mr. Flood. How many months? 

Mr. Mlynarski. From the 30th of September 1939 until the 12th 
of May, noon, 1940. 

Mr. Flood, During the time you were there what was the highest 
number of Polish officers at Starobieslsk at any particular time you 
were there? 

Mr. Mlynarski. The very beginning. I told you gentlemen a while 
ago that there were about 2,000 in the first batch and 2,500 in the second 
officers' batch. 

Mr. Flood. You wore under pressure to be converted to Communism 
during all that time? 


Mr. IMltnarski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Did the Russians succeed in converting many Polish 
officers to communism ? 

Mr. Mlyxarski. P^actually I wouldn't know one single case because 
I never had the opportunity to know who was 100 i^ercent converted, 
but judging and knowing a little bit how people behave and what they 
do, there were maybe a few who were, let's call them, Reds, and then 
different shades of red that slides into light pink. That is all I can 
say. The percentage was immensely low. Again it is a guess, gentle- 
men, but I may say that if ever it was higher than 5 percent, that 
was the maximinn toDS. 

Mr. Machrowicz. May I ask a question with reference to the num- 
ber of officers there? I would like to refer to your history of that 
camp. On page 5 it states that the highest number was 3,9510. 

Mr. Mltnarski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And they consisted as follows, and correct me if I 
am wrong: Eight gene^rals, 150 colonels, about 230 majors, about 1,000 
captains, about 2,450 lieutenants, about 30 noncommissioned officers, 
and about 52 civilians, judges, prosecutors, and various civil officers. 

Mr. Mlyxarskt. Correct, Sir. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Total, 3,920. Is that a correct statement? 

Mr. Mlynarski. That is very correct. However, later perhaps I 
have slightly changed on my continuous work to arrive at the most 
precise figure. However, gentlemen, I may tell you the figure you 
mentioned, I am a little bit proud to say, humbly, the 3,920 concerning 
the Starobielsk camp is my figure froni the very start of any revela- 
tions concerning that camp in this world. 

Mr. Flood. Were there any Polish priests there? 

Mr. jVIlynarski. There were 25 who were deported when the boys 
were still there. They were all deported at about the end of October. 

Mr, Flood. Any women there? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Incidentally there was one, the wife of a man, but 
she disappeared very soon afterwards. 

Mr. Flood. Rabbis? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Oh, yes. They were all deported. There was the 
head rabbi of the Polish Armed Forces, Doctor — I don't remember. 
I have his name somewhere. There was quite a number of Jews. 
There was not one rabbi, there were a few. There was also the ortho- 
dox chaplain. May I say about the figure that to my understanding it 
is immensely important. 

Chairman Madden. We might have a couple of minutes recess. 

(Brief recess.) 

Chairman Madden. The committee will come to order. 

Mr. Mlynarski, you reviewed your experience on being interrogated 
at Starobielsk. 

Mr. INIachrowicz. I understand you left with the last group on 
May 12 ; is that correct ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. That is very correct. 

Mr. Machrowicz. How many were there at that time? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Eighteen men, plus 10 ; that is 28. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Prior to that they were taken away in groups of 
about 200 each; is that correct? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Yes. May I have permission to elaborate a little 
bit on that matter ? 


Chairman Madden. Yes; proceed. 

Mr. Mlynarski. To make the correct answer to you, sir, arriving 
at that figure 3,920, I had to start from a certain date. You cannot 
just improvise figures. Figures remain. That pertains to the date 
which I chose to be the right date for the Starobielsk camp, which was 
the 5th of April 1940. Later when I met similar survivors as myself 
I also checked possibly the strength of their two camps, which would 
be Kozielsk and Ostashkov, to find and determine the strength of the 
camps. The strength of the camps originally during those long 7 
months varied and was certainly much higher than the number which 
has been established in the reports that exist today, the 5th of April 

Mr. Machrowicz. What number are you referring to that has been 
established ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Established by us, those through all ways and 
means tried to be correct to establish the strength. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Give us the number. What is that number that 
you are referring to ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. I am speaking with complete loiowledge about 
the Starobielsk camp, and I will try to explain why I have the right 
to do so. I do not speak so precisely about the other camps because I 
was not an inmate of those camps. The total figure of the camps on 
that particular day, the 5th of April 1940, was Starobielsk, 3,920; 
Kobielsk about 5,000 ; and Ostashkov about 6,780. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What is the total? 

Mr. Mlynarski. The total is 15,700 men. The total approximately, 
if you wish to know 

Mr. Machrowicz. You are approximating the figures in the other 
two camps. Will j'ou tell us how you arrived at those approximate 
figures in the other two camps ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. My meeting the men who were in those camps as 
I was in Starobielsk. I was interested in that problem from the very 

Mr. Machrowicz. Let me ask you, to make it short, were you as- 
signed by General Anders to any particular task ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. That was much later, sir, 2 years later. Wlien I 
was with the Army staff. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Two years later, what were you assigned to do ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. First of all, that assignment was initiated by my- 
self. It wasn't a command. I was the first man, the first officer to 
report to General Anders in writing on the 1st of November 1941. 
I have a copy of that report here right in my file. 

Mr. Flood. Just a moment. You were at Starobielsk. You left 
Starobielsk with the last group of men to leave ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. That is correct. 

Mr. Flood. "^Vliere did you go when you left Starobielsk? First of 
all, what was the date when you left Starobielsk? 

Mr. Mlynarski. The 12th of May 1940. 

Mr. Flood. Where did you go from Starobielsk ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Gentlemen, if you don't desire to listen to my 
elaboration, it will make it a little bit cloudy. 

Mr. Flood. I would like to know where you went from Starobielsk 
in May of 1940. 


Mr. Mlynarski. I went to a camp that was called. Pavlishev Bor. 

Mr. Flood. You went to Pavlishev Bor from Starobielsk? 

Mr. Mlynarski. That is correct. 
Mr. Flood. How long were you there ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Twenty-eight days. 

Mr. Flood. Where did you go from Pavlishev Bor? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Gryazovets. 

Mr. Flood. Gryazovets. How long were you at Gryazovets ? Wliat 
was the date when you arrived at Gryazovets ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. I have it all here, sir. 

Mr. Flood. You arrived at Gryazovets about when ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. I arrived at the camp Gryazovets on the 18th of 
June 1940. 

Mr. Flood. And you left when ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. We left Gryazovets all together. When the 
barbed wires were cut from in front of us, we left as free men on the 
2d of September 1941. 

Mr. Flood. On the 2d of September 1941 you left as free men? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. And you went from Gryazovets to where? 

Mr. Mlynarski. To the rallying point of the Polish Army under 
the command of General Anders. 

Mr. Flood. Where was that ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. There were several. 

Mr. Flood. You went to join General Anders where ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. There were several points. I went for the first 7 
days or so to a little place called Totzkoye, T-o-t-z-k-o-y-e. 

Mr. Flood. This was after Russia had entered into the war and she 
was forming an army of former Polish officers ? 

Mr. ]Mlynarski. Correct. 

Mr. Flood. After all that was done, did jou ever join General An- 
ders^ Did you ever join General Anders' command yourself? 

Mr. ISIlynarski. From the very first time, the first day the initi- 
ation, or rather let's call it a little bit pathetically, the resurrection of 
the Polish forces was announced by General Anders personally, wdio 
flew from Moscow to Gryazovets on the 25th of August 1941. 

Mr. Flood. And you responded to this call from General Anders? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Flood. And the purpose was to form a Polish Army under the 
command of General Anders, is that correct? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. For an army you must have soldiers and you must also 
have officers. 

Mr. INIlynarski. That is correct. 

Mr. Flood. You had the soldiers, and you couldn't find officers. 

Mr. JMlynarski. At that time we had no soldiers at all. 

Mr, Flood. They were going together. 

Mr. jNIlynarski. We believed that they were alive, which was true 
to a certain extent. 

Mr. Flood. You told my colleague that you had volunteered for 
duty with General Anders. To do what ? ' Wliat specific thing did 
you offer yourself to do ? 


Mr. Mlynarski. Gentlemen, I am a little bit troubled with answer- 
ing that question, not because I don't want to but because I don't know 
how to answer it. First of all, being an officer, I was straight under 
his command. There were some intermediates between him and 

Mr. Flood. I understand that, but it has been indicated that you 
performed a certain mission and that mission was in conjunction with 
another officer 

Mr. Mltnar-ki. Correct. 

Mr. Flood. To look for missing Polish officers ; is that correct ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Not quite, sir. 

Mr. Flood. What is correct? 

Mr. Mlynarski. What is correct is this, that by the mere fact that 
people around me, my colleagues — here is one sitting right here 
in front of me — came to the conclusion that I am one of those — I don't 
want to brag or anything, but I was just one of those who was studying 
by the methods of deduction the whole affair. 

Mr. Flood. I understand that very clearly, but did you go looking 
for Polish officers? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Actually I did not go looking. 

Mr. Flood. Do you know of anybody who did ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Maj. Joseph Czapski did, personall3\ 

Mr. Flood. Did you know Major Czapski? 

Mr. Mlynarski. He is a very old friend of mine. 

Mr. Flood. Did you talk to him at that time about this problem? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Many times before and after. 

Mr. Flood. Did you ever get to Tehran? 

Mr. Mlynarski. *No, I didn't go to Tehran. 

Mr. Flood. Did you ever hear of Colonel Syzmanski of the United 
States Army? 

Mr. Mlynarski. I had the pleasure of meeting him in Cairo. 

Mr. Flood. Where did you meet him? 

Mr. Mlynarski. In Cairo. 

Mr. Flood. What did you talk about? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Different affairs, and then he asked me to write a 
certain report, which I gladly did. 

Mr. Flood. Did you at any time talk with Colonel Syzmanski, of 
the United States Army, in Cairo about any of the problems related 
to the Katyn affair ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Oh, yes. 

Mr, Flood. That is all. 

Mr. Mitchell. To your knowledge while you were at Gryazovets 
and General Anders, as you said, announced that the Polish Army 
would be formed in Russia, how many officers were there at that time 
at (irryazovets, to your own personal knowledge? 

Mr. Mlynarski. There were approximately 200 officers, including a 
batch of let's say 25 to 30 — those figures, gentlemen, exist ver}^ pre- 
cisely. I do not have them in my memory. Let's say approximately 
200 men of the 400 original survivors, plus approximately ^00 officers 
plus, about 350 NCO's and a few privates, which enlarged the existing 
Gi\yazovets cami), which was to become the only camp in tlie Soviet 
Union called a ]>risoner-()f-war cam]) at that time. Those 000 officers 
plus those 350 NCO's arrived in the Gryazovets camp. Please make it 
a strong note. I request that. 


Mr. Mitchell. How many? 

Mr. Mlynarski. On the 2d of July 1941, that means 11 days after 
the war was declared between the Soviet Union and Germany, those 
men which originated from the so-called internment in Latvia and 
Estonia and were in prison in the Kozielsk camp — I have the dates 
right here — from June 1940 until the date of their arrival in the camp 
of Gryazovets on the 2d of July 1941, that batch which was much 
higher than the figure I have just disclosed, namely 1,250 men, that 
batch was well over 2,500 men in the beginning of their deportation or 
their change in place of imprisonment from Latvia and Estonia to the 
Kozielsk camp No. 2. That has nothing to do with Kozielsk No. 1. 

Kozielsk No. 1 at that time on the 12th of May 1940 was completely 
empty, and it was filled, not to the brim but approximately 2,500 men 
from those two Republics just told about. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Now let me ask you a question which bears on 
the very issue which we must determine here. Of those officers with 
whom you were in the prison camp did you ever hear from any of 
them after May 1940 ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Never, not a word. 

Mr. Machrowicz. As a result of that, have you come to the con- 
clusion that they had been liquidated no later than May 1940 ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Decidedly so. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Because at that time the Russians were the ones 
in possession of that territory, it is your conclusion that they were 
liqiiidated by the Russians? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Decidedly so, only I never knew the place. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you meet Colonel Grobicki? 

Mr. Mlynarski. I met Colonel Grobicki in the intermediate little 
cam]) called Pavlischev Bor and from then on we spent 15 months 
together in the Gryazovets camp. 

Mr. Machrowicz. He was with you at Pavlischev Bor? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Yes, because he was in Kozielsk originally. Pavlis- 
chev Bor was the spot where we met. That means the remnants of the 
three big camps. 

Mr. Machrowicz. One other question. Witness: Also referring to 
your memoirs, I want to ask you whether or not you know of any 
officers who escaped from the prison camp in which you were. 

Mr. Mlynarski. No. 

Mr. JNIaciirowicz. I refer to page 5. You refer to the fact that in 
the early days of the camp there were about 10 or 20 who did escape. 

Mr. Mlynarski. I think I referred to officers ? 

Mr. Machrowicz. Starobielsk. 

Mr. Mlynarski. I meant officers? 

Mr. Machrowicz. Yes. 

Mr. Mlynarski. If they ever escaped, they escaped in disguise with 
the boys, putting on the clothes, the uniforms of the privates. 

Mr. Machrowicz. In the early days there was a very small number 
that did escape. 

]\Ir. Mlynarski. Yes, but I don't think I can elaborate very much 
about that word ''escape," because that means really that they left 
the gates of the cam]). What hapjoened to them later I don't know. I 
tell you frankly I think I met once a fellow somewhere in London 
long years after, who did escape actually and was found alive after- 
ward. I met him afterward. 


Mr. Machrowicz, I understand those are very exceptional cases. 

Mr. Mlynarski. So exceptional cases. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What I want to bring out is that there were at 
least a few exceptional cases that escaped. 

Mr. Mlynarski. There were. I don't deny the fact that there 
were. There were another two cases which I would not call an escape 
in the way of running away from the camp. 

No ; there were two cases which originated in an entirely different 
fashion. There were two high aristocrats. One was Prince Radzi- 
will, and the other was Prince Jan Lubomirski, in the camp of 
Gryazovets. Ultimately they both were sent home, and we were glad 
to hear that, that was all, through the very, very highest authority, 
through the King of Italy himself and all the rest. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That is all. 

Chairman MxVdden. Any further questions? 

Mr. FuRCOLO. You were at Kozielsk for some time ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Never. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. Did you ever know of a man named W. Jan Firtek ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Yes ; he was a young boy ; an ensign. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. An officer cadet? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Officer cadet. 

Mr. FuRcoLO. Did you know him by any chance yourself? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Yes; I knew him at Gryazovets; yes. He wrote 
some memoirs, I remember. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. We had a witness whose first name was M-a-r-i-o-n, 
and his last name was Gawiak, G-a-w-i-a-k. He went by the name 
of Mike. I don't know how you would pronounce the last name. He 
also was at Gryazovets, Does that name by any chance mean anything 
to you at all ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. I don't recollect him personally. I know the offi- 
cers much better because we lived in the same quarters. I don't know 
the boys. They lived in different quarters. Although those 400 knew 
each other. 

Mr. Mitchell. Of the total number of officers that were with you 
at Starobielsk, how many survived to your knowledge after the war? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Today of course there is only a very few alive. 
They were decimated afterward by all sorts of fevers, and so forth, 
during our stay in Russia, and they were decimated by war casualities 
in the campaigns. So today there are very few. In the United States 
I know of only three. Here is one [indicating]. I am one, and there 
is one in New York. That is about all. The numbers were these at 
the time. There were 63 men that left the Starobielsk camp in one 
of those many batches. But that was a specific case. They left on the 
25th of April 1940. The little batch which I was a member of con- 
sisted originally of 18 men. There arrived at the intermediate camp 
at the station of Babinino only 63. Two men were taken out of those 
awful little cabins we were imprisoned in. Sixteen and 63 is 79, 
pins — Congressman Machrowicz has my notes there — I mentioned 
I think 6 or 7 men who originally were in the Starobielsk cam]) and 
were individually deported during those first 7 months, and they 
afterward through a great deal of luck somehow or other survived 
and joined our forces, which makes I think the total, if now I could 


read my notes I would know better, something a little bit over 79 
plus 6. It would be something around 85. 

Mr. Mitchell. You have seen the lists of the individuals who have 
been identified as having been exhumed at Katyn. Do you recognize 
any names there of any officers or individuals who were with you at 

Mr. Mlyxarski. Not to my knowledge, no. I didn't find a single 
one. Of course I could only cover the limited number which my 
limited brain could embrace, you know. If you want to see a little 
bit of a very private and very personal and very intimate work of 
mine, here it is. Here on this page are the names of my closest friends 
with whom I was sharing the lot in the Starobielsk camp. Those men 
were all put down in different periods of time on little scraps of paper 
which I lost, so afterward I reworked that many, many, times to 
arrive at a certain precision. Down the line up to about here [indicat- 
ing], which includes about 100 men, I would dare to say I could tell 
the story to their wives, mothers, or daughters pretty well. This list 
includes further, of course, many more which I derived from differ- 
ent sources afterward. I am speaking now, gentlemen, of men who 
are dead. That is how my work started. 

Mr. Mitchell. How do you know they are dead? 

Mr. Mlynarski. That is my own way. 

Mr. Mitchell. Your assumption 2 

Mr. Mlynarski. My assumption. I am not condemning anyone. 
I have no right to do so. The only thing is that in this limited way 
of life which we are all leading in this world, I think we have the 
right to call someone at least missing forever, or, if you please, dead 
or murdered or not alive if that i)erson or, in this case, a strength of 
15,300 men have had their mouths silenced by some unknown way. 
According to the laws of large figures, it is unbelievable that a batch 
of 15,300 men, out of which 50 percent were young men, did not try to 
escape in the course of events, not to try to escape, really to escape. 
If, according to the Soviet Union's statement of January 1944, those 
15,300 men were confined in completely unknown 3 localities differ- 
ent from the many statements which you have received, gentlemen, 
from me and from others alive, with names and dates and geographical 
positions, with precision if the Soviet Union can only tell us that 
there were 3 camps from 35 to 45 kilometers west of Smolensk, 
numbered 1 ON, 2 ON, and 3 ON, and that those men worked on re- 
pairing roads or doing something of that nature. I would like to 
draw your attention, gentlemen, to the fact which I make a statement 
of. Although our lives in the congested camps at Starobielsk, Ostash- 
kov, and Kozielsk were not too easy, and later in the little camp 
Gryazovets in the north on the railroad to Archangel, however, we 
were never — this is my own personal interpretation — confined, we 
were never ordered to do penal-servitude work according to the meth- 
ods which are very well known and written in volumes here in these 
United States and applied to the millions that worked elsewhere in 
camps specifically and especially organized for that purpose. Yes,. 
true, we had to work and we did some very filthy work and under un- 
pleasant conditions, in the rain and snow and mud, et cetera, but all 
that was almost 99 percent in some way or other connected with the 
improvement or enlightenment of our own lives in those confinements. 


In Gryazovets, in the small camp, where we were living together al- 
most 15 months, life became much more easy to study for us, for 
those who lived to study, that kind of life. There Avas an order, and 
that order was adhered to with all precision, that all officers from 
major upward — there were not many, who occupied just one little 
building — were completely free of any work whatsoever. Excuse me, 
ladies, if I may say so, there were some ugly little things which we 
had to do, cleaning spots which someone should do always himself. 
Even those officers, majors and higher up to the colonels, were for- 
bidden even to do that work. So let's compare this fact. They had a 
maid who swept tlieir rooms in that little building of theirs. There 
was one general, a few colonels, and Colonel Grobicki was among 

Let's compare the official statement of the Soviet Government telling 
us that 15,300 men were laboring, working in different seasons of the 
year because that went on since April 1940 until probably August 1941, 
when those lands were occupied by the German forces. They were off 
working for a full summer, through the full winter, through a full 
spring, and again almost through a half of a summer, wor-king and 
digging trenches. That means it comprised eight generals, et cetera, 
down the line to the NCO's. 

Chairman Madden. Are there any other questions? 

Mr, Mitchell. No further questions. 

Chairman Madden. From all that you have related here to us, from 
the information you have received, and with the acquaintances that 
you had in these camps, would you be in a position to say who was 
responsible for the murders at Katyn ? Would you, yes, or no. 

Mr. Mlynarski. Yes. 

Chairman Madden. Who would you say was responsible for the 
killing of the people at Katyn? 

Mr. Mlynarski. The highest authorities of the Soviet Union. 

Chairman Madden. If there are no further questions, the commit- 
tee thanks you for your testimony. Your testimony has been highly 
valuable. On behalf of not only the committee but of the Congress, 
I want to thank you for coming here and presenting your testimony. 
You have contriljuted a great deal toward officially establishing the 
responsibility for the Katyn Massacre. 

Thank you very much. 

Dr. Srokowski, will you be sworn? Do you solemnly swear that 
the testimony you will give in the hearings now on trial will be the 
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Dr. Srokowski. I do. 


Chairman Madden. Just give the reporter your full name and ad- 
dress, please. 

Mr. Srokowski. My name is Mieczyslaw Srokowski, M-i-e-c-z-y-s- 
1-a-w, S-r-o-k-o-w-s-k-i ; 5225 Blackstone Avenue, Chicago. 

Chairman Madden. Counsel, you may proceed witli the witness. 

Mr. Mitchell. Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, the 
-witness has requested that we refrain from asking him too many ques- 
tions about his life in Poland before the war. Consequently, I will 


proceed by asking the doctor if he was at Starobielsk with the pre- 
vious witness. 

Dr. Srokowski. No. I was in Kozielsk. 

Mr. Mitchell. Who was the previous witness, for the record ? 

Dr. Srokowski. Mr. Mlynarski. 

Chairman Madden. Speak a little louder, please. 

Dr. Srokowski. I met him only in Pavlischev Bor. 

Mr. Mitchell. That is the first time you saw him ? 

Dr. Srokowski. Xo; I knew him before. 

Mr. Mitchell. Did you know Grobicki ? 

Dr. Srokowski. Grobicki ; yes ; I knew him. 

Mr. IVIiTCHELL. At Kobielsk ? 

Dr. Srokowski. Yes. 

Mr. Mitchell. Did you know Colonel Grobicki before Kozielsk? 

Dr. Srokowski. No ; I met him only in Kozielsk. 

Mr. Mitchell. Did you know Mr. Gawiak ? 

Dr. Srokowski. I remember his name. Maybe if I saw him I 
would know him. 

Mr. Mitchell. When did you first get to Kozielsk ? 

Dr. Srokowski. The first of November 1939. 

Mr. Flood. Before you get that far, were you with the Polish 
Army ? 

Dr. Srokowski. I was. 

Mr. Flood. In what capacity ? 

Dr. Srokowski. I was a surgeon. I was mobilized. Before the war 
I was chief surgeon of Polish Red Cross hospital in Warsaw. 

Mr. Flood. When you were sworn they called you "Doctor." Doc- 
tor of what ? 

Dr. Srokowski. Of medicine, medical doctor. 

]Mr. Flood. You were a Polish doctor ? 

Dr. Srokowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. You were a medical ofHcer in the Polish Army? 

Dr. Srokowski. No. I was only mobilized. 

Mr. Flood. What was your rank when you entered service? 

Dr. Srokowski. When I entered service I was a lieutenant, and I 
finished as major. 

Mr. Flood. You went in as lieutenant and finished as major? 

Dr. Srokowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Were you a reservist or a regular army officer? 

Dr. Srokowski. I was a reservist. 

Mr. Flood. At the time the Germans crossed the Polish border were 
you then in the army ? 

Dr. Srokowski. I was. 

Mr. Flood. Were you in the line opposite the Germans in that part 
of Poland when the Germans came in? 

Dr. Srokowski. I was in Warsaw. 

Mr. Flood. You were in Warsaw. 

Dr. Srokowski. Yes. I was a surgeon in a hospital. 

Mr. Flood. Were you ever captured by the Germans? 

Dr. Srokowski. No. 

Mr. Flood. Were you later captured by the Russians? 

Dr. Srokowski. Bv the Russians. 

Mr. Flood. Where? 


Dr. Srokowski. Seventeenth of September 1939 at Grembowla, 

Mr. Flood. Were you on active duty at the time you were captured? 

Dr. Srokowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Were you in a hospital ? 

Dr. Srokow^ski. I was. 

Mr. Flood. You were working as a surgeon? 

Dr. Srokowski. In a military hospital ; yes. 

Mr. Flood. Attending wounded Polish troops? 

Dr. Srokowski. Yes. Polish wounded, because we only became 
mobilized the morning of the iTth of September. 

Mr. Flood. On the morning of the 17th of September 1939 ? 

Dr. Srokowski. Yes. I was in the hands of the Bolsheviks in the 
afternoon of the same day. 

Mr. Flood. On the 17th of September 1939 you were on active duty 
as a Polish medical officer in a Polish military hospital? 

Dr. Srokowski. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. You were then captured by the Russians ? 

Dr. Srokowski. Right. 

Mr. Flood. Subsequently you got to Kozielsk ? 

Dr. Srokowski. No. 

Mr. Flood. Where did you go ? 

Dr. Srokowski. Subsequently, because before I was taken to the 
south of Russia it was a small camp. 

Mr. Flood. But you did get to Kozielsk? 

Dr. Srokowski. After a few weeks we stayed there we were trans- 
ported to Kozielsk the 1st of November 1939. 

Mr. Flood. November 1, 1939, you arrived at Kozielsk? 

Dr. Srokowski. Right. 

Mr. Mitchell. While you were at Kozielsk, were you permitted to 
practice medicine? In other words, were you attending the wounded 
there ? 

Dr. Srokowski. No, not wounded too much. There were only sick 
people there. It was a small hospital directed by a Russian lady. 
There was some Polish doctor to take care of his friends, of course, 
under the supervision of this Russian doctor. 

]Mr. Mitchell. Officially you were not permitted to tend your 
Polish officers? 

Dr. Srokowski. No. 

Mr. Mitchell. How many doctors did they have at Kozielsk? 

Dr. Srokowski. I cannot say exactly, but I think about 500. 

Mr. Mitchell. Five hundred Polish doctors at Kozielsk? 

Dr. Srokowski. That is right. 

Chairman MxVdden. Were they in the army as officers? 

Dr. Srokowski. Reservists, mobilized. Of course, there were even 
some civilians. 

Mr. MiTciiELii. How long were you at Kozielsk ? 

Dr. Srokowski. To the second part of April 1940. 

Mv. Mitchell. The latter part of xipril 1940. Where did you go 
from Kozielsk? 

Dr. Srokowski. From Kozielsk I was taken to Pavlischev Bor. 

Mr. Mitchell. How were you transported ? 


Dr. Srokowski. By walking to the station and afterward by the 

Mr. Mitchell. How many went with you ? 

Dr. Srokowski. I cannot say exactly, but about 100. 

Mr, Mitchell. One hundred Polish officers? 

Dr. Srokowski. That is right. 

Mr. Mitchell. Were they all officers? 

Dr. Srokowski. Yes. 

Mr. Mitchell. You walked from the camp to the train ? 

Dr. Srokowski. That is right. 

Mr. ISIiTCHELL. What kind of train was it? 

Dr. Srokowski. It was specially built for prisoners, I have seen 
the cars in Europe, with coupes with a small corridor. It had only a 
small window in the coupe with grates. We could not go out even 
from the coupe. 

]\Ir. Mitchell. Grates. You mean bars? 

Dr. Srokowski, Iron bars. 

Mr. Mitchell, Were they individual cells ? 

Dr. Srokowski, Coupe, passenger cars in Europe, where you have 
a corridor, 

Mr. Machrowicz. Compartment? 

Dr. Srokowski. Compartment. 

Mr. Mitchell. Did you see anything in those cars, these trains? 

Dr. Srokow^ski. We looked for some writing, and we saw some 
place where it was washed out. Finally in the corridor we saw some 
jiotes probably by one of the officers who had left before. 

Mr. Mitchell. Left where ? 

Chairman Madden. This notice was written in these prison cars? 

Dr. Srokowski. Yes, on the wall of the car. 

The Chairman. On the wall of the car. 

Dr, Srokowski. Written by a prisoner who could write. It was 
very high in the corridor so it was not noticed by the Bolshevik guards. 
We saw some place where it was washed out. 

Mr. Flood, You were in Kozielsk with a lot of other Polish officers? 

Dr, Srokowski. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. You probably knew that other brother officers of yours 
were being removed from Kozielsk from time to time ? 

Dr. Srokowski, Right, 

Mr. Flood. 1 suppose you were wondering what was happening to 
them. You talked among each other, "Wliere are they going?" 

Dr. Srokowski. The Bolsheviks made suggestions that we were 
going to be given up to the Germans. 

Mr. Flood. Yes, but you were discussing among each other, "Where 
are these fellows being taken to? Where are they going?" 

Dr. Srokowski. A lot of people believed that they were going back 
to Poland. 

Mr. Flood. Certainly. So when you got on the cars in which other 
officers from Kozielsk had been taken away. 

Dr. Srokowski, Yes. 

Mr. Flood, Naturally you thought that other officers from the 
same camp, and friends, may have put something on the wall to tell 
you something or give you some message, is that right ? 

Dr. Srokowski, Yes, 

93744 — 52 — pt. 3 11 


Mr. Flood. You were lookiii^^ for those writings? 

Dr. Srokowski. Prisoners of war always make notes. I remember 
we made some notes on the walls of the camp. 

Mr. Flood. That is like the American expression "Kilroy was here." 
You were looking for that. Did you find it ? 

Dr. Srokowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. What did it say ? 

Dr. Srokowski. It said that one of the transports which left, I don't 
remember exactly the day, but I would say about the 7th of April ■ 

Mr. Flood. 1940. 

Dr. Srokowski. 1940. Was one station after Smolensk. The man 
who wrote this couldn't write the name of the station, but he wrote 
only that it was the first stop after Smolensk. 

Mr. Sheehan. Wliich is Katyn, is it not? 

Dr. Srokowski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrow^icz. The first station past Smolensk is Gniezdovo, is 
is not ? 

Dr. Srokowski. I cannot say. 

Mr. Machrowicz. However, Katyn is near the first stop. 

Dr. Srokowski. I don't know, only the train stopped at the first 
station, he wrote. He w^rote in the letter the first stop after the big 

Mr. Machrowicz. There is no railroad station at Katyn, but the 
nearest is Gniezdovo, which is the first station past Smolensk. 

Dr. Srokow\ski. He did not mention the name of the station. 

Mr. Machrowicz. It just said the first stop. 

Dr. Srokowski. It is very difficult, you know, because before they 
were taken off the cars maybe he couldn't see the name. 

Mr. O'KoxsKi. Did he sign his name ? 

Dr. Srokowskj. No. 

Mr. O'KoxsKi. All you saw was the writing but no name? 

Dr. Srokowski, Yes. 

Mr. Mitchell. How long were you on this train? 

Dr. Srokowski. We traveled about a half day. We stopped in a 
station and we didn't know what station it was. We Avere kept in the 
station about 20 hours. At the end of it we saw the station, from 
which it was about 35 kilometers to the camp, Pavlischev Bor. 

Mr. Mitchell. When did you get to Pavlischev Bor? 

Dr. Srokowski. The second part of April 1940. 

Mr. Mitchell. The latter part of April 1940? 

Dr. Srokowski. Yes. 

Mr. Mitchell. How many Polish doctors were at Pavlischev Bor 
when you got there ? 

Dr. Srokowski. I would say a few ; not too many. I cannot exactly 
say. I remember one dentist and there was one Mdio before the war 
was one of my friends. Pie was a colonel in the Polish Army. Before 
the war he was professor of surgery in Kharkov University. He spoke 
Russian very well and the Bolsheviks gave him some information. I 
was very friendly with him because he was at the hospital where I 
w^as chief surgeon before the w^ar. He had some friends among the 
Bolshevik oflicers who explained to him this group of oflicers will go 
to another camp which will be much more comfortable and with fewer 
.officers we will have a much better condition of living. 


Mr. Flood. What reason can you give for escaping? Do you have 
any idea why you escaped ? If it is true that the other brother officers 
of yours at Kozielsk were killed at Kat5^n — and the evidence so far in- 
dicates that is what happened — if they were all killed at Katyn, how is 
it that you were not? Do you have any idea? 

Dr. Srokowski. It is difficult to explain. I was married to French, 
and my wife left Poland one day before war broke out. She wrote me 
a letter. I wrote to her from Kozielsk, and I have the letter. 

Mr. Mitchell. He wrote this letter from Kozielsk? 

Dr. Srokowski. That is the letter I wrote to my wife. 

Mr. Flood. To your wife from Kozielsk. 

Dr. Srokowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Where was she, in France? 

Dr. Srokowski. In France. Af coui'se they knew that someone 
might later be asking about me. 

Mr. Flood. Have you ever met any of your brother officers who were 
in the prison camp at Kozielsk with you during all the time you were 
there? Have you ever met any of them alive since, except the ones 
that went with you to Pavlischev Bor? 

Dr. Srokowski. I do not get your question. 

Mr. Flood. Since the war have you ever heard anything, or have 
you ever seen alive any of the brother officers of yours who were in 
the Russian prison camp with you at Kozielsk other than the ones who 
were at Pavlischev Bor ? 

Dr. Srokowski. No. 

Mr. Flood. You have never seen any of the others ? 

Dr. Srokow^ski. Never. 

Mr. Flood, Have you ever heard of them ? 

Dr. Srokowski. No. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. In connection with and following his question 
through, you saw a list of the exhumed bodies that were found at Katyn 
grave ; haven't you ? 

D»* Srokowski, I didn't see exactly a list. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. You heard the names and those names you recog- 
nized as being at that camp at that time ? 

Dr. Srokowski. Yes. There was one lieutenant who was in civilian 
clothes because he had not time to make his uniform, I lived in the 
same room with him and he told me that he had all his military papers 
hidden in his jacket. Afterward, finally I found his name exactly. 
1 saw his name in this German report, identified by his first name and 
.second name, and even his grade in the Polish Army. 

Mr, Sheehan. Doctor, the previous witness and practically every 
witness before the committee so far who was captured by the Russians 
all stated that at many times they were questioned or interrogated 
with a view toward seeing if they could convert them to communism. 
Were you ever interrogated that way? 

Dr, Srokowski, I was interrogated several times, 

Mr. Sheehan. What was their main purpose? 

Dr. Srokowski. First of all, to know everything about you, because 
some Polish officers were in the soldiers' camps. It was not per- 
mitted, of course, and they did everything in order to find who were 
officers and who were not. Therefore, several times they asked me 
several questions, where I was born, who was my father, and so on. 


In the beginning we thought it was a stupid investigation, but finally 
we found it was very intelligent because after 50 or OU times they would 
put one question different. It was really difficult to memorize, if you 
wanted to give the truth. A lot of officers were hidden, and they finally 
were discovered. 

Mr. SiiEEHAK. Will you tell us why you think they wanted to sepa- 
lute the officers ( What was their end purpose ? 

Dr. Srokowski. I think, my personal opinion, that they didn't want 
the Polish officers to have influence among the Polish soldiers. The 
first day in the prison camp they started propaganda, sometimes very 
low. I remember I listened to the propaganda. I was interested 
how they would try to change the minds of our soldiers. It was 
something very poor. I remember one of the Bolshevik officers talked 
to the soldiers, peasants, countrymen, and told them that here is really 
the best country in the world, where the miners can work sitting down 
in there and the machine works for them. The people were offended 
by so low propaganda. 

Mr. Flood. Do you have any idea how many of the officers were 
reservists who were prisoners with you, and how many were regular 
army, not the number, but the percentage ? I am very anxious to find 
out about what the percentage of reservists was of those that were at 

Dr. Srokowski. I couldn't answer that question. Among doctors 
there were more reservists. 

Mr. Flood. Most of the prisoners were reservists ? 

Dr. Srokowski. Reserves. 

Mr. Flood. Among the doctors, you knew the doctors, and the 
chances are the percentage was just as high among the others, but you 
don't know that? 

Dr. Srokowski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. We are trying to discover that because in nations where 
there is universal military conscription and where nearly everybody 
of any stature is a reserve officer, the destruction of the reserve officer 
corps is not only the destruction of military officers but it is also the 
destruction of the intelligentsia. The economic, the professional, the 
banking, the commercial, the entire leadership of a nation in central 
Europe is in the reserve officer corps. If you destroy the reserve officer 
corps you have killed two birds with one stone, not only the military 
officers but the entire intelligent leadership of a nation. That is the 
reason we are trying to find out what happened. 

Dr. Srokowski. Among the doctors there were a lot of professore 
from universities. One was a professor in this Krakow University. 
It is very hard to remember. From the point of view of education I 
remember also a professor of politics, Professor jNIorowski. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. While you are on that point, there were a Professor 
Pienkowski who was a neurologist; Dr. Stefanowski who was personal 
physician to MiU'shal Pilsudski, and an eminent neurologist; Professor 
Zielenski, and Professor Nelken; and there was Dr. Wroczynski^ 
former Vice Minister of Public Health. Do you remember them? 

Dr. Srokowski. Yes. I used to know them before the war. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. They were at Kozielsk? 

Dr. Srokowski. They were; yes. 


.'■'Mr. FuRCOLO. I want to ask you somethinfy else, if I may. I want 
to ask yon if bv any chance you knew a man named Jan Firtek, 

Dr. Srokowski. I remember the name. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. Let me try to refresh your recollection by mentioning 
this. He apparently published something in London in the Polish 
Daily in which he gave some of his experiences at Kozielsk. Let me 
read briefly one thing and see if it refreshes your recollection in any 
way at all. 

Did you know anybody there named Lieutenant Prokop ? Was he 
at Kozielsk ? Was there "a Colonel Kuyba, K-u-y-b-a at Kozielsk ? 

Dr. Srokowski. I don't remember. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. The reason I ask is because I want to quote from 
something which was written by Jan Firtek. He refers to some of the 
prisoners leaving. One qugtation, and they are on the train, is: 

From here on we traveled northeast. Lying on one of the top bunks you saw 
scribbled on the wall with a match or a pencil, "the second stop after Smolensk 
we get out and climb into trucks." There was a date, but it was hard to make 
out the second figure. It might have been April 12 or perhaps April 17. Their 
inscription aroused a great deal of interest among us, and we tried to guess 
what it meant. Lieutenant Colonel Prokop, who was with me thought it might 
have been written by Colonel Kuyba, who had promised to leave clues if he could. 

"^Vliat I want to ask you is this : As some of these prisoners were 
being taken out of Kozielsk was there au}^ sort of talk among them 
indicating that they would try to leave some clues for those who might 
follow them ? Do you remember anything like that ? 

Dr. Srokowski. No. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. Did you by any chance know a man named Marion 
Gawiak, called Mike ? 

Dr. Srokow^ski. I remember the name. He must have lived in the 
other barracks. Most of the time I was in Kozielsk I was in the 
barracks for the doctors, all the doctors. Afterward in Gryazovets 
there was a barracks for officers and the soldiers. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. Did you know a Colonel Grobicki ? 

Dr. Srokowski. Not before the war. I met him for the first time 
ii;! Kozielsk. After I was released from Gryazovets together with 
him, we went together to fight with the Fifth Division of Polish Army. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. He was in Kozielsk? 

Dr. Srokowski. That is right. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. That is all. 

Chairman Madden. Further questions? 

Mr. Mitchell. How many doctors did you say there were at Grya- 
zovets when you got there ? You said you were in the quarters with 

Dr. Srokow^ski. Not only one. There were, I think, 200 people in 
this small house. Possibly there were 500 doctors. 

Mr. Mitchell. At Gryazovets? 

Dr. Sroskowski. No; Kozielsk. 

Mr. Mitchell. I am talking about Gryazovets. How many were 
there ? 

Dr. Srokowski. I don't know. Maybe 10, no more. 

Mr. Mitchell. When General Anders was forming his Polish 
Army, how many Polish doctors reported to him, reserve officers or 
regular, medical officers of the Polish Army ? 


Dr. Srokowski. I couldn't say in the Polish Army. After the visit 
of General Anders I was known as cliief medical officer of the Fifth 
Division. I went with him to Moscow and afterward I went to the 
south of Russia, Kharkov. There I was for a certain time chief 
medical doctor of the division. I think about this time there were 30 
doctors from the other camps. 

Mr. Mitchell. How many doctors did you say you had under you 
then ? 

Dr. Srokowski. I think about seven in the beginning. 

Mr. Mitchell. Where did those doctor officers come from? 

Dr. Srokowsivi. From the other camps with the soldiers. 

Mr. Mitchell. Do you know the names of those camps? 

Dr. Srokowski. There were several. I can remember there was one 
east of Moscow. I cannot remember now the names, though. These 
camps were only for the soldiers. In the Polish Army the doctors 
sometimes have the rank of soldier. Very often there were soldiers 
who were doctors. 

Mr. Mitchell. How many Polish doctors in all? Can you give 
this committee an idea how many there were with General Anders at 
the time the Polish Army was leaving Russia ? 

Dr. Srokowski. I couldn't. I was with the Fifth Division, which 
was a different place. The Sixth Division was in another place. 
Therefore, I cannot exactly tell you. 

Mr. FuRCOLo. From the time you were at Kozielsk from November 
1939 to the latter part of April 1940 were you and the other prisoners 
there allowed to write to your families? 

Dr. Srokowski. First I was permitted to write and I wrote a letter 
November 25, 1939. We had some trouble. We didn't have paper, no 
money for stamps. Finally some Polish officers sold their watches, a 
thing which is always looked for in Russia, and from this transaction 
it w^as possible to buy some paper and stamps. 

Mr. FuRcoLo. You were permitted to write to your families? 

Dr. Srokowski. Yes; only one time a month it was permitted to 

Mr. FuRCOLO. Once a month ; but they would write to their families 
once a month. 

Mr. Sheehan. Doctor, you just mentioned you went to Moscow 
with General Anders. 

Dr. Srokowski. Not exactly that, because he came to Gryazovets 
and there was a very big ceremony. He gathered us together and told 
us we were free. Of course he flew, and 1 went by train. But the next 
day I met him in Moscow at an assembly or meeting of officers to make 

Mr. Sheehan. Did you see Russian officials in Moscow ? 

Dr. Srokowski. Yes. 

Mr. Sheehan. What did you talk about ? 

Dr. Srokowski. I didn't talk with them. I think General Anders 
and some delegate from the Russian Army. 

Mr. Sheehan. What was your purpose in going to IVfoscow? 

Dr. Srokowski. Mine? We Avent afterward to Pavlischev Bor, 
nearby Kharkov, where we started to reorganize the Polish Army. 
We flow from Moscow to Kharkov. 

Mr. Sheehan. In other words, you never questioned any Russian 
officials about the lost prisoners or anything? 


Dr. Srokowski. No. I met some afterward when, as I told you, I 
was chief of the medical service in the division in this camp in the 
south. They gave me officers to help me organize the hospital. I 
didn't speak about this question at all because we always had some lack 
of confidence in these men because we had had a very hard time when 
we were prisoners of war. 

Mr. FuRCOLo. Doctor, I want to call your attention to something 
that was in the Polish White Book at page 101. It refers to the fact 
that when the graves at Katyn were discovered, diaries were found on 
some of the bodies. This was in 1943. It quotes from the last sen- 
tence of two such diaries. I want to read you from one diary and then 
I want to ask you a question about it. This diary begins : 

April 8, 1940, 3 : .30 a. m. Departure from Kozielsk station moving west. 9 : 30 
a. m. at Yelmia station. April 8, since 12 noon we liave been standing in a rail- 
way siding at Smolensk. April 9, in the morning some minutes before 5, reveille, 
in the prison trucks and preparations to leave. We are to go somewhere by ear 
and what next. April J>. It has been a strange day so far. Departure in prison 
coach is terrible. Taken somewhere into a wood, something like a country house. 
Here a special search. I was relieved of my watch pointing to 8 : 30 a. m. Asked 
about a wedding ring. Rubbles, belts, and pocketknife taken away. 

That is the end of the quotation from the book and there the diary 
breaks ofl'. 

That diary is one of Maj. Adam Solski. Did you know such a man? 

Dr. Srokowski. Personally I didn't know him, but he was a very 
stout man. I met him during my walks. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. Was his name Adam Solski? 

Dr. Srokowski. As I remember; yes. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. Was he a prisoner in Kozielsk in 1940 at the time 
you were there? 

Dr. Srokoavski. Yes. 

Chairman Madden. If there are no further questions, Doctor, I 
want to note for the record that you have made a great sacrifice in 
appearing here today. The Doctor originally suggested and thought 
it would be best that lie be what you might term "a secret witness" 
or give his testimony not in executive session because of the personal 
risk involved, not to himself but to others. He has made a special 
sacrifice in coming here today. 

Doctor, the committee and the Congress want to thank you. 

Dr. Srokowski. Thank you, sir. I have done so because it was my 
friends who were killed. 

(^liairman Madden. Not only have you made a special sacrifice dur- 
ing the war period, but I think that sacrifice and appearance here to- 
day has been a great exemplification of your patriotism not only to 
your motherland but to the free liberty-loving nations everywhere. 

The committee will recess for a few minutes. 

(Brief recess.) 

ChaiiTiian Madden. The committee will come to order. 

I might say that the witness we are about to hear has consented to 
offer liis testimony but refuses to testify in public. He makes this 
refusal for the reason that he has relatives behind the iron curtain and 
he feels in his own mind there would be reprisals against his relatives. 
He is a very important witness. He is a Catholic priest, a DP, a 
former chaplain in the Polish Army. 


It has been the policy of this committee since its organization that 
"we not hold hearings in executive session. Other committees of Con- 
gress occasionally hold hearings in executive session. Because this 
has been the only committee taking testimony concerning an interna- 
tional crime, the committee feels that it cannot be accused by some 
of the countries beyond the water of holding star chamber sessions or 
of having testimony taken behind closed doors, and we have decided 
to maintain our policy of not holding meetings in executive session. 

All members of the committee present here have interviewed this 
witness and have talked to him. We know his identity and his name 
and address. For that reason the witness will testify behind the 
board which you see there. 

The witness has been sworn, I will swear the interpreter when 
the witness is brought out. 

Will you raise your right hand. Do you swear that the testimony 
you will give from the witness now to be heard will be a true transla- 
tion of his testimony, so help you God ? 

Mr. KoMAN PuciNSKi. I do. 


Mr. Mitchell. Father, where were you born ? 

Mr. Doe. I was born in Poland. 

Chairman Madden. Speak loud so the committee can hear, 

Mr. Mitchell. Where were you ordained? 

Mr. Doe. In Poland in 1934. 

Mr. Mitchell. Were you in the armed services of Poland during 
the war? 

Mr. Doe, Yes', I was, and I was a prisoner of war, a German 
prisoner of war. 

Mr. Mitchell. Father, what information do you have about Katyn 
that would be of interest to this committee of Congress? 

Mr. Doe. Yes ; I do have information that is pertinent to the Katyn 
investigation, although I was not an eye witness to the massacre. 
I am a material witness, and 1 possess information on Katyn. 

In the beginning of June 1945 I was a pastor, a chaplain, in a 
German DP camp for Poles named Verdan Am Allen, V-e-r-d-a-n, 
A-m, A-1-l-e-n. 

Mr. Mitchell. Proceed. 

Mr. Doe. At that time a Russian appeared at this camp and reported 
to Major Gruber, G-r-u-b-e-r, and asked him for protection. 

Major Gruber was a Polish Army officer serving as liaison officer 
with the British forces'. 

When Major Gruber heard this man's name and when he had heard 
this man tell him that he is a key witness to the Katyn massacre. Major 
Gruber's immediate reaction was one of doubt. However, he decided 
to interrogate the man at length. 

When he completed his lengthy interrogation of this Russian, he 
came to the conclusion that the Russian was an authentic witness to the 
Katyn murders. 

Major Gruber then came to me as the pastor of the camp for advice 
as to how to proceed. 


We decided that Major Gruber should send a telegram to the 
Foreign Ministry of the Polish Government-in-exile in London advis- 
ing them of this man. Major Gruber did this, but we received no 
reply from London. 

Major Gruber then notified General Rudnicki, R-u-d-n-i-c-k-i, who 
was the commanding general of the First Polish Panzer Division. 
General Rudnicki appreciated the value of this Russian's information, 
but he said that he could take no part in it or take any action on it 
because it is purely a political matter. General Rudnicki advised us 
to wait a little longer for a reply from the Polish Government-in-exile 
in London. 

In the meantime I secured the services of a competent Russian trans- 
lator and interrogated the Russian personally. The interview lasted 
approximately 2 hours. The Russian was a man, a middle-aged 
person, between 40 and 45 years of age, medium build, blond, had the 
appearance of a typical Russian peasant, and he had a characteristic 
Russian name. I do Jiot recall exactly at this time what that name 
was, but I do know that it was a typical, characteristic Russian name. 

The Russian told us that he had his home in the area immediately 
adjoining the Katyn Forest. He told that in the location where 
later were found the graves of the Polish officers he grazed his cattle, 
I do not know whether at that time he was the sole owner of his own 
property or whether he was the member or partner of a collective farm. 

One day, according to his information, the Russian authorities 
banned anyone from entering this particular area of the forest and 
surrounded it with a heavy guard. It was published throughout the 
area that entrance into this area or trespassing in this area would 
subject a person to immediate death. 

Some secret work and construction began in that area. The entire 
population in the area, including this Russian, believed that it was 
some project that had some connection with the war effort. Conse- 
quently, at first they did not pay too much attention to this construc- 
tion work or project. 

Whether this work, this unusual activity in the forest, began toward 
the end of 1939 or the very beginning of 1940 I am not certain. How- 
ever, as I recall, this Russian's observations centered primarily around 
the very early spring of 1940. 

This Russian said that the populace, the neighbors around there, 
had begun talking about the fact that trucks were starting to arrive 
in this forest during the late night hours and that during the very 
early morning hours these same trucks left the area. The Russian 
peasant became very much interested in this movement. That is why 
one evening he hid himself in the bushes near the road leading into 
the Katyn Forest. He observed that at night — I don't recall exactly 
what time at night, but it was late at night — he had observed a large 
column of trucks driving into this roadway. The trucks were covered, 
but the Russian was close enough to the road to have heard the con- 
versations and discussions emanating from these trucks. But he could 
not distinguish at the time what language the people in the trucks 
were speaking. 

He remained in his secluded spot for several hours until the trucks 
made their return trip out of the forest. Then on the return trip he 
no longer heard any voices, and the back gates of the trucks were 


open SO that he could determine and establish that the trucks were 
empty. There was no doubt in his mind that tlie Russians had left 
these people somewhere in the forest. 

He became extremely interested in what the Russians did with 
these people. As a result, on several occasions he crawled into the 
forest on his hands and knees to the location where these trucks had 
stopped. He said that he had to be extremely careful in this observa- 
tion because the area was closely guarded and that his life was in 
danger. He was close enough to the actual scene to be able to see 
with the help of large reflectors and searchlights in the forest, that 
the Russians were removing these people from the trucks. These 
people were formed into columns and then in these columns they were 
marched a considerable distance from the trucks. They were guarded 
by Russian soldiers. I do not recall whether he said whether these 
Russians were NKVD soldiers or whether they were regular Russian 
soldiers. As these columns of people were marched awaA' from the 
trucks he could hear shouts and screams for mercy, and also swearing 
by the Russians. He could see that the people who had been removed 
from the trucks were not dressed in civilian clothing but rather in 
army uniforms. The wdiole action lasted several hours. A^^len the 
action w^as completed and the shouts subsided the Russians returned 
back to their trucks and went away. 

For this Russian it was a gi-eat experience, for he had convinced 
himself and established that in that forest were committed great 
murders or crimes. The second thing that he had convinced himself 
of was that these were not civilians but rather people in uniforms, in 
army uniforms. 

During the day he tried to get as close as he could to the area with- 
out being suspected, to observe what was happening during the day, 
and he had seen activity there in the form of certain people planting 
trees, young saplings in the forest. 

The population in the area knew" that in several tens of kilometers 
away from Katyn Forest are large concentration camps in w'hich they 
had Poles, and as a result this Russian then began to suspect that 
these men being brought into the forest actually were the Polish 

He was further convinced of this fact wdien he realized that the 
shouts and screams and beggings for mercy that he had heard had 
been in a language which he could understand very briefly and some 
words could have sounded like Russian, some w'ords in a language 
similar to Russian. 

But lie could not be certain that they were soldiers from these par- 
ticular camps, because in Russia it was customary to transfer prisoners 
from one jail to another. They could have been soldiers from some 
other camps. 

Toward the very late part of spring all this activity ceased, but the 
terrain, the innnediate area of the forest continued to be under heavy 
guard and trespassing was prohibited. 

This situation existed uutil the Germans invaded the territory. As 
soon as the Germans invaded the area the local population began 
telling them of the nnirders in the forest. This Russian told me that 
he went to the (Terman Commission and told them of his observations 
as to the activity in the forest. The Germans investigated the forest 


area and made copious notes and sketches of the area but took no 
further action at that time. It wasn't until 1943 when the Germans 
beofan uncovering or digging up the mass graves. At that time he told 
me that he was one of the key witnesses in the investigation conducted 
by the Germans. 

Because he feared recriminations from the Russians for his testi- 
mony, he had asked the Germans to give him protection. The Ger- 
mans first took him to Berlin and then took him to the city of Verdun, 
where he had worked for a German master, this Russian told me during 
my interview with him. 

Since we received no reply from the Polish Government-in-exile in 
London, Major Gruber sent another cable to the Government. How- 
ever, the second cable also went unanswered. We could not conceal 
this Russian too long in our camp, because he was tremendously fear- 
ful that the Russians would find him. He feared that if the Russians 
ever found him he would be murdered. He realized the value of his 
information to the Poles, so, consequently, he came to the Poles for 
assistance and sanctuary. The Russian remained in this camp for 
about 1 month. After this time Major Gruber and I began debating 
very seriously what to do with him. 8o we decided to notify the 
British Intelligence of the man that we were concealing. Major 
Gruber went to the British Intelligence and told them of this man and 
of the information that he had given the major and myself. 

Within less than an hour an attractive, luxurious limousine came to 
our barracks and removed this Russian and his friend. 

The British Intelligence thanked Major Gruber and told them how 
grateful they were for his services. 

I am convinced that this Russian must be alive today somewhere 
in England, and it is my belief that the British authorities will bring 
this man forward when they consider the time is appropriate. 

Major Gruber, after completing his work in the camp, returned t« 
England. I believe that he can be found in London through the Polish 
Government-in-exile. I am certain that he must have complete details 
on this Russian, including his name, because at the time of our inter- 
rogation he made extensive and copious notes. 

That is all that I know in this matter. 

Chairman Madden. Are there any questions? 

Mr. Flood. I have one or two ; but, first of all, I would like to have 
some dates established, if it is possible. Secondly, will you ask him 
whether or not the Russian peasant who heard the screams and shouts 
and swearing heard any gunfire. Just those two items, to begin with. 
Any dates that can be fixed, and did the Russian peasant say anything 
about any gunfire when he was in the forest. 

Mr, PuciNSKi. I have told the witness that Congressman Flood 
wants additional information as to dates. So the first question we will 
put to him is when exactly did this Russian peasant come to this 

Mr. Doe. He first came to the camp and then reported to Major 
Gruber, who in turn brought him to me, and this was in the begin- 
ning of 1945. 

Mr. Flood. When was he turned over to British Intelligence? 

Mr. Doe. It was either the very end of June or the very beginning 
of July 1945. 


Mr. Flood. Did the Russian peasant use any dates or indicate by 
year, month, season, or in any other way to Gruber or to the witness 
dates or time element as to what he saw i 

Mr. Doe. As near as I can recall, he made these observations in the 
Katyn Forest during the very early part of the spring of 1940. The 
populace in the area of course thought at that time that this was 
some project that was connected or associated with the war effort. 

Mr. Flood. I know that. What about gunfire ? 

Mr. Doe. Yes ; he had heard revolver shots. Revolver shots differ 
considerably from rifle shots. However, I don't recall that he de- 
scribed in detail the exact method used in executing these people. 

Mr. Flood. The witness says that he was a chaplain in a DP camp 
for Poles in June of 1945. Where was that ? I don't want to know 
camp he was in, but what country he was in. 

Mr. Doe. It was in Germany. 

Mr. Flood. Did the witness ever report to the superintendent or 
commandant of the DP camp or to the DP commission any of the 
facts revealed to the British Intelligence or revealed here? 

Mr. Doe. This is the first time that I am making these statements. 
I had not given this information to anyone else, including the Polish 
Government-in-exile in London, because I felt that in view of the 
fact that they did not reply to our two telegi'ams then apparently 
they were not interested. 

Mr. Flood. That is all. 

Mr. Furcolo. Did the Russian peasant tell you that he actually saw 
any of the murders committed ? 

Mr. Doe. The exact details of the technique used in murdering these 
Polish officers the Russian did not describe, but he did describe the 
screams and the pleas for help, and he did describe the hearing of 
the shots and he did describe seeing these trucks arrive in the forest 
with people in them and then leaving the forest with their tail gates 
down and empty. 

Mr. Furcolo. Did he say whether or not he had seen any of the 
executions ? 

Mr. Doe. He saw the way these people were removed from the 
trucks, the way they were organized and lined up into columns, and 
the way they were led away, and he could see this because of the 
search lights and the reflectors that were used to illuminate the 

Mr. Furcolo. I understand that part, but did the Russian peasant 
say whether or not he saAV the actual killing of aaj of the prisoners. 

Mr. Doe. He heard the shots, he heard the screams, he heard the 
pleas for help, but the actual technique, the actual act of executing 
these people, the actual fact of observing the actual execution of these 
people, I do not recall that he described to me. 

Mr. Mitchell. Wlien did you last see Major Gruber? 

Mr. Doe. The last time I saw him was in the fall of 1945. We had 
corresj^onded frequently. 

Mr. Flood. This Russian peasant was in this DP camp for a month 
or more, and he was a very important witness to this crime. How 
many times during the montli that the Russian peasant was in the DP 
camp did the witness talk to him about this matter. 


Mr. Doe. I talked to him once for 2 hours. On the other hand, 
Major Gruber talked to him very frequently because this Russian was 
secluded in a private room and he did not go outside the room ; he did 
not walk the streets or participate in any of the camp activities. 

Mr. Flood. If the witness knows, does Major Gruber speak Russian ? 

Mr. Doe. No,' Major Gruber talked to this witness through an in- 

Mr. Flood. Does the witness talk Russian ? 

Mr. Doe. I understand Russian because I attended Russian schools 
prior to 1914. 

Mr. Flood. Did the witness attempt during the 2-hour interview 
with the Russian peasant to interrogate him and cross-examine him 
in such a way as to search out the veracity of the story ? 

Mr. Doe. Yes. I used various methods and techniques and efforts 
to ascertain the veracity of his statements and to establish whether or 
not he was some false witness. 

Mr. Flood. Since the witness is a Roman Catholic priest and is also 
under oath and should be experienced in talking to peasants, is it his 
considered judgment, under all those circumstances, that the peasant 
was telling the truth? 

Mr. Doe. I am convinced that he was to have been believed. Then 
of course there is the other consideration that this Russian realized 
the value of his testimony to the Poles, and consequently he came to 
the Poles for help when he needed it. 

Mr. Flood. Is there anything in the record of that Russian peasant 
while he was in that camp that would indicate any psychiatric or emo- 
tional instability or anything which would affect the credibility of his 
statement ? 

Mr. Doe. This man apeared to me to be of a very sound mind and 
a sound outlook on life, and it did not appear to me that he could have 
fabricated the statements that he gave me. 

Chairman Madden. Any further questions ? 

Mr. Mitchell. When did the witnes last hear from Major Gruber ? 

Mr. Doe. I saw Major Gruber in the fall of 1945. 

Mr. Mitchell. Has he heard from him since? 

Mr. PuciNSKi. The witness answered that on the basis of the fre- 
quent conversations between Major Gruber and myself during the 
ensuing months regarding this particular Russian, Major Gruber also 
was convinced that this man's testimony is reliable. 

Mr. Doe. I have never seen nor heard of Major Gruber since the fall 
of 1945. 

Mr. Mitchell. Wliat nationality was the interpreter that both you 
and Major Gruber used to speak to this Russian? 

Mr. Doe. He was a Pole, a former prisoner of war. 

Mr. Mitchell. Prisoner of war of whom ? 

Mr. Doe. Of Germany. He was a former German prisoner of war. 

Mr. Mitchell. Does he know his name ? 

Mr. Doe. Unfortunately I do not. 

Mr. Mitchell. Does he have any idea or could he advise the com- 
mittee where to contact such a person today? Would he be in Ger- 
many or where ? 

Mr. Doe. I do not know. He conceivably might have returned to 
Poland. I do not know where he could be found. But I am quite 
certain that Major Gruber can be located in England. 


Cliairman Madden. Any further questions? 

Mr. Mitchell. No further questions. 

Chairman Madden. Will you tell the witness we are very thankful 
for his testimony here this afternoon. 

Mr. Doe. May I say a few words ? 

Chairman Madden. Yes. 

Mr. Doe. The murders at Katyn Forest of the Poles were a very 
important and very serious incident because in the Katyn Forest there 
w^ere murdered so many thousands of the Polish intelligentsia. The 
investigation of this committee of the United States Congress is being^ 
observed very carefully and with great interest by all Poles, not only 
here but also in Poland, if the information is getting through. The 
work of this committee is giving hope and confidence not only to Poles 
but to all of the oppressed people that the objectives of the United 
States are not only for peace in the whole world but for a just peace 
for all nations. I am certain that the names of the committee, includ- 
ing the chairman, Mr. Madden, shall remain gratefully inscribed in 
the minds of all Poles. 

Chairman Madden. Tell him that we wish to thank him and we do 
hope that the work of this committee will serve a great deal to bring 
about a situation so that a thing like this can never occur again. 

Mr. Doe. Thank you very much. 

Chairman Madden. The committee will now adjourn until tomor- 
row morning at 9 : 30. 

(Whereupon, at 5:40 p. m., the hearing was recessed until 9:30 
a. m., Friday, March 14, 1952.) 


FRIDAY, MARCH 14, 1952 

House of Representatives, 
The Select Committee on the Ivatyn Forest Massacre, 

Chicago, III.. 

The select committee met at 10 a. m., pursuant to recess, in room 247,, 
United States Courtliouse, Hon. Eay J. Madden, chairman, presiding. 
' Present: Representatives Madden, Flood, Machrowicz, Furcolo, 
O'Konski, and Sheehan. 

Representatives Kluczynski and Sabath. 

Also present: Jolin J. Mitchell, chief counsel; and Roman Pucin- 
ski, investigator. 

Chairman Madden. The committee will come to order. 

The first witness this morning will be Mr. Ershov. The interpreter 
will be Mr. Mlynarski. The witness does not want to be photo- 
graphed. I will swear the interpreter first. 

Do you solemnly swear that you truthfully will interpret the testi- 
mony given by the witness in the cause now on trial correctly, so help 
you God ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. I do. 

Mr. Mitchell. Mr. Mlynarski, now repeat the oath for the witness 
as the chairman states it. 

Chairman Madden. Raise your hand. Do you solemnly swear that 
the testimony you will give in the hearing now on trial will be the 
ti'uth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? 

Mr. Ershov (through interpreter). I do. 

Chairman Madden. Let me say to the photographers that the com- 
mittee at these hearings respects the right of a witness as to whether 
he wishes to submit to photography or otherwise. This procedure 
is very important because in this type of an investigation a witness 
may have very important reasons for not wanting to be photographed. 
If he insists on not being photographed, a witness is entitled to that 
])rotection. His relatives living behind the iron curtain are also en- 
titled to that })rotection. I hope that the photographers will cooper- 
ate with the committee and the witness. 

Counsel, will you proceed. 


Mr. Mitchell. Will you ask the witness, please, to state his full 

Mr. Mlynarski. Vasili Ershov, V-a-s-i-1-i E-r-s-h-o-v. 



Mr. Mitchell. Where was he born ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Ukraine. 

Mr. Mitchell. When? 

Mr. Mlynarski. 1906. 

Mr. Mitchell. What was his occupation before the war? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Before the war he was executive director or mar,- 
ager of a plant and of a sovhoz, an abbreviation for a land state 
owned and conducted by the Soviet Government. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Sovhoz is a farm operated by the state. 

Mr. Mlynarski. Yes, sir. 

The witness wants to give additional information. 

Chairman Madden. AlII right. 

Mr. Mlynarski. Th ; plant was a kind of a meat plant. 

Mr. Mitchell. Slaughterhouse? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Not quite a slaughterhouse. They made some food 
out of meat, sausages. 

Mr. Mitchell. A production plant ? 

Mr. ]\Ilynarski. A processing plant ; yes. 

Mr, Mitchell. Where was he during the war ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. In the face of Leningrad until Berlin he was 
continuously on the offensive line. 

Chairman Madden. Offensive? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Offensive. 

Mr. Mitchell. Was he in the Russian Army during the war ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. In both times during the war and after the war 
until 1949. 

Mr. Mitchell. When did he enter the Russian Army ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. He was called on the 22d of June 1941. 

Mr. Mitchell. Was he a commissioned officer or an enlisted man 
or what was his rank or rating? 

Mr. Mlynarski. He was the deputy commanding officer in the rank 
of colonel of the division commander on the general supplies. That 
means ordnance, I think. 

Mr. Mitchell. Of the Russian Army? 

Mr. Mlynarski. No ; of that particular division. 

Mr. Mitchell. What place in Russia was he mobilized ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. In the city of Leningrad. 

Mr. Mitchell. Will you ask him to repeat that date again and 
what rank he had at that time. 

Mr. Mlynarski. The beginning of his military service was on the 
22d of June 1941 in the rank of captain of an intendant, which is a 
supply officer of technical intendant of first class. 

Mr. Mitchell. Quartermaster. Will you ask the witness when he 
left the Russian service and where? 

Mr. Mlynarski. In the eastern part of Germany, at the beginning 
of the year 1949. 

Mr. Mitchell. What was going on in Germany at that time ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. What happened particularly to him or to 

Mr. Mitchell. To him, and was there any important event at that 

Mr. Mlynarski. Surrounding him, he asks? 

Mr. Mitchell. Ask him about himself. 


Mr. Mlynarski. He, like many thousands, tens of thousands of 
others like himself, was awaiting after the war was over for freedom, 
but we didn't be able to find freedom. We were victorious but we 
didn't get freedom. And why? We did not betray our nation, but 
we have betrayed Stalinism. 

Mr. Mitchell. How did he come to leave Germany and the Russian 
Army ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. On an airplane with the aid of the British occu- 
pation forces. 

Mr. Mitchell. Did he go from Germany to the British zone ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Yes. He arrived in the British zone and settled 
his matters in the headquarters of the British forces. 

Mr. Mitchell. Who was with him on this pirplane? 

Mr. Mlynarski. His wife and his child. 

Mr. Mitchell. What is his status in the United States today ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. He has not yet quite settled himself, but he feels 
himself completely free like an American citizen. 

Mr. Mitchell. Was he ever any time during his days in Russia 
associated with the NKVD ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. No. 

Mr. JNIitchell. Will you ask the witness now to tell the committee 
when he first heard about Katyn ? 

]\rr. Mlynarski. Tlie first time he heard rbout Katyn, rather, read 
about Katyn was in the Russian papers dated January 1944. 

Mr. Mitchell. Which Russian paper was it? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Pravda. 

Mr. Mitchell. Is that a copy of it ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. The same as this one. 

Mr. MiTCPiELL. That is not the same paper, though? 

Mr. Mlynarski. But is is the identical paper today of the date past. 

Mr. Mitchell. Will you ask him to narrate anything he knows 
about Katyn for the benefit of the committee, how he heard about it, 
what he may have heard later on, who he knew who was in any way 
connected with Katyn ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. When he was the deputy of the connnanding offi- 
cer of the division on behalf of the supply, excuse me, of being a 
quartermaster, in the capacity of a quartermaster 

Mr. Mitchell. Shorter sentences, tell him. 

Mr. Mlynarski. He supplied the division and the army with food, 
clothing, footwear, ordnance, gasoline, the technical equipment. In 
my division, as in any other division, there were penal units. In the 
Polish Army there is a gendarme system, MP, military police. In the 
Soviet Army there is the NKVD. NKVD is a civilian name. In the 
army it exists under the name of Smersh. 

Mr. Mitchell. Can you spell Smersh ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. It is an abbreviation or linking of two words, 
which means the death of spies, and it is spelled, S-m-e-r-s-h. 

Within the headquarters of a division the unit of Smersh is included 
which is not subservient, not under the orders of the CO or the com- 

Mr. Mitchell. Generally how many people are in that unit ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. About 25 or 30 men. It was not strong. 

Mr. Mitchell. Continue, please. 

9?.744 — 52 — pt. 3 12 


Mr Mlynarski. They take orders only from Beria. 

Mr. Mitchell. ^Vlio is Beria? 

Mr. Mlynarski. A member of the Politburo, Minister of the Na- 
tional Security, state security. Within that body, that unit consisting 
of 25 or 30 men, is incorporated the connnander [witness writing on 

Mr. Mlynarski. May I explain to you, sir? Here is that body 
called Smersh. Here is the chief, the head of that Smersh. Below 
there is a man who is also an executive, but he undergoes the orders of 
the chief who is here. The line topward, upward is Beria. 

Mr. Mitchell. In other words, they take orders direct from Beria. 

Mr. Mlynarski. Yes, through the man who is heading the Smersh, 
down the line to another chief. 

Mr. Mitchell. Continue. 

Mr. Mlynarski. Out of the number of 25 or 30 men the comman- 
dant which is down below has under him about 12 or 15 men. The 
duties of that commandant is the execution of all directives of Smersh. 
They execute the directives of Smersh. We may call those men and 
their superiors — their commandants — executioners or henchmen — the 
head of the henchmen. The connnandant of Smersh in my division 
was Captain Borisov, B-o-r-i-s-o-v. He didn't make the impression 
of a normal person because during his lifetime he has executed — trans- 
lating correctly, shot — more men than he had years in his life. When 
Borisov used to sleep he used to wake up every half hour, and behind 
his bed — the leg of the bed — he used to get a vodka bottle, drain it, 
and then go to sleep again. Without tlie liquor he could not sleep. He 
had a vision during the niglit liouvs of the executions which he had 
perpetrated. But taking into consideration the fact that I was the 
dejHity on supplies, and on the strength of a secret order from Moscow, 
before every execution the henchmen received an established amount^ 
of vodka, before and after. The vodka was supplied or delivered from ' 
the stocks which the colonel was in charge of. 

As Borisov could not wait for the moment to get the vodka in time 
before the execution, he used to come every day to the colonel begging 
him to give him the vodka in order to make him still alive. Before 
the execution or the shooting of four men in approximately November 
1944 on the territory of Poland in the district of Malkinia-Gorna, 
M-a-1-k-i-n-i-a — G-o-r-n-a, Borisov came to the colonel asking him to 
issue or release him some vodka before the execution, and he wants to 
tell the story. 

He says the Natchalnik, which means commander — superior, in 
other words — drank vodochka. What does that mean? A liter of 
vodka. We have drunk vodochka. I imagine, for myself, vodochka 
means vodka in the diminutive, a Swedish word. We have drunk 
plenty of vodka in the days Katyn. He was, of course, drunk and 
he bragged. 

Mr. Flood. At that point will you ask the witness if anybody else 
was present at the time of the conversation between Borisov and the 
colonel ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Such matters are never discussed in the presence 
of a tliird party. 

Mr. Flood. The answer is "No"? 

Mr. Mlynarski. The answer is "No." 


In April 1940 Borisov and his unit — lie and his men or unit — have 
destroyed or shot over 400 Polish officers in Katyn. I tried not to 
listen to him too much because Borisov could have on a following 
occasion tried to testify whether the colonel is not getting too much 
interested in that matter, but nothing happened of that kind. He 
simply was drunk and told the story. 

Apparently Borisov did not personally do any shooting, as the 
stories are told that the victims were led to the edge of the hole and 

They have built or made a fox hole. They used to bring, to fetch 
the Polish officers into the fox hole where they did the shooting in 
order to avoid any resonance — any noise. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Does he mean soundproof? Is that what he has 
in mind? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Less than it would be in the open. That is what 
he knows about Katyn from the mouth of a man who has executed — 
performed the executions of Polish officers in Katj^n. 

Mr. Sheehan^. Will you ask him whether Borisov placed a date on 
these shootings? 

Mr. Mlynarski. In the month of April 1940. He cannot recite 
the date in the month of April. He would like to say something else. 

Cliairman Madden. Go ahead. 

Mr. Mlynarski. How those atrocities — I am translating literally — 
have been received bv the Russian people. 

Mr. M-TciiEi.L. Wi-at atrocities? 

Mr. MlynxVrski. The Bolshevik atrocities concerning Katyn. The 
Soviet Union nations are fully convinced that the killings, the shoot- 
i]igs of 13, maybe 14 — the figure is unknown 

Mr. ]VIachrowicz. Thirteen or fourteen thousand? 

Mr. Mlyisarski. Thousand — is at the hand of the NKVD. 

Why do we think that way? Why do we talk that way? Let us 
make that matter clear, why we had to destroy thirteen or fourteen 
thousand Polish officers. We have to understand that thirteen or 
fourteen thousand officers represent the strength of 250,000 men, that 
men of the strength of 1.50,000 to 250,000 are denied officer leadership. 
That is No. 1. 

Second, that they had to destroy the bulk of the Polish intelli- 
gensia. That was something to think about. In other words, to 
destroy potential enemies that may be active someday in the future. 

Furthermore, the Russian nations were fully aware of the atrocities 
in Winnitza. 

Mr. Flood. By the "Russian nations" does he mean the various 
component states of the U. S. S. R. ? 

Mr. Mlynarski: Using their expression "Russian nations" he un- 
derstands that that expresses actually, as you said, sir, the nations 
wliicli comprise the Soviet Union. 

Mr. Flood. The answer was "Yes" ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Yes, sir ; but may T add what he explained to me. 

Mr. Flood. Go ahead. 

Mr. Mlynarski. That when he uses the expression "Soviets" let's 
say briefly, then he means the henchmen of the regime, and he men- 
tioned the name of Stalin himself. 

During the Second World War against Hitler in all the areas where 
the Red army was on the defensive the Red army was burning and 


destroying completely, flattening all these towns and villages. For 
that purpose there were special units that were walking with torches. 
The communities wliicli Avere to be burned by the Bolsheviks 

Mr. Flood. I beg your pardon. Did he say in all areas where the 
Russians at that time were on the defensive or the offensive? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Defensive ; in the retreat. 

Mr. Flood. Ask him is he not describing what has been referred 
to as the Russian "scorched earth" defensive policy. Is that it? 

Mr. Mlynarski. He takes the Lenin formula, which says that the 
victory of the proletariat in the whole world is inevitable. 

Mr. Flood. Now just a minute. He was describing the burning 
of certain areas along a defensive front. Was that in execution of 
or carrying out the Russian scorched-earth policy of defense at that 
time? Is that answer "Yes"? 

Mr. Mlynarski. He is £:oing to reply. 

The Soviet Government had in mind that all the populace, the people 
that lived in those areas who haven't yet succeeded to retreat are the 
traitors of the nation and the accomplices of Hitler, and therefore they 
had to be destroyed. 

Mr. Flood. What relationship does that have to Katyn Massacre of 
the Polish officers at this point ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. He wants to explain that the Bolshevik system is 
based on blood, and without blood cannot live. 

Mr. Flcod. That may very well be. He does not have to convince us 
very much of that. We have reasonable cause to believe that is prob- 
ably so under certain circumstances. He gave us one reason why it 
was necessary from the Russian point of view to destroy the Polish 
officers. He was about to give us a second reason. What is the second 
reason ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. He repeats that he has said that before, that one 
is to deny the leadership of the Polish Army by officers. 

Mr. Flood. He gave one reason in two parts. Part 1 of the first 
reason was military necessity or advisability, and part 2 of the first 
reason was the destruction of the intelligentsia leadership of a nation. 

Mr. Mlynarski. With regard to the second point he explains that 
this would b3 the destruction of the highest grade, if we may say so, 
of the Polish intelligentsia, and then by doing so only the lower grade 
would remain. 

Mr. Flood. In other words, the answer was again "Yes." We un- 
derstand that ? 

Mr. Mlynarski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Does he have any other reason besides the ones just given 
tliat at this time he can suggest to the committee would be the motive 
for the Russian killing of those Polish officers? What other motive 
could they possibly have, in his opinion? 

Mr. Mlynarski. It was a coordinated ])lan to annihilate the living 
substance of the Polish Nation in perfect accord with Hitler. 

Mr. Flood. We seem now to understand his opinion of what tlu' 
motives were. I would like to ask one or two questions about his 
conversations with the connnandant of the execution squad or tiif 
Smersh unit, Captain Boi-isov. Will you ask the witness if he ev(M' 
talked to Borisov after the first convei-sation that he described with 
Borisov ? 


Mr. Mlyxakski. He had been seeing him until 1945, and, in short, 
now and then they both touched that subject. 

Mr. Flood. So between 194-t, the date of the first conversation, and 
1945, he hekl different or several conversations with Borisov and 
talked about the Katyn shootings? 

Mr. Mlyxarski. Yes ; and not only with him. 

Mr. Flood. What does he mean by ''not only with him" ? 

Mr. ]Mlynarski. He had also a conversation with one of the promi- 
nent w^orkers, as he says it, or rather members, of Smersh. 

Mr. Flood. Of Smersh or of Captain Borisov's commandant squad? 

Mr. Mlynarski. No ; he says it was wuth Smersh, nothing to do with 

Mr. Flood. Then he had a conversation with some member of the 
Smersh unit. 

Mr. Mlynakskl That is right. 

Ml'. Flood. Who was that member, if he recalls? 

Mr. Mlynarski. He remembers very well. 

Mr. Flood. What was his name and rank ? 

Mr. Mlyxarski. Please ])ut it down. Lieutenant Ilyasov, I-l-y-a- 
s-o-v. He was the head of Smersli, the Fifteenth Motorized Division. 

Mr. Flood. Then this was not the Smersh unit of the colonel's own 

iVIr. Mlyxarski. Xo; it wasn't his division. 

Mr. Flood. What was the nature of that conversation with Ilyasov? 

Mr. Mlyxarski. He will tell you. The officers used to talk among 
themselves about it, saying that Poland is not a member of the Allies 
because the Poles have suffered a great from the Soviets, and because 
of tliat it may become, ensue, that in a future war the Polish nation 
will stand not with but against the Soviet Union. And Ilyasov 
replied, "Before that we will give them notice that the way we have 
done it, executed as in Katyn." 

Tlij'.t is the second example for tlie coinmittee. 

Mr. Flood. In other words. Colonel Ilyasov was going to use the 
massacre at Katyn as a w^arning to the Poles to stay in line with the 
Russians; is that it? 

Mr. Mlyxarski. He says that the Bolsheviks don't say that, they 
don't speak that way, but they think that way. 

]Mr. Flood. Was it common talk about Katyn among tlie Russian 
officers in his command, in liis division or in his area? Was it com- 
mon talk about Katj-n in theii" private conversations? 

Mr. Mlyx^vrski. Xo; it was not a conunon subject because our 
nation is aware of atrocities of much higher and greater scope. Katyn 
is just peanuts. 

Chairman Maddex. What does he mean by saying Katyn is just 
peanuts ? 

Mr. Mitchell. Did he actually say "peanuts" ? 

Mr. JNIlynarski. Xo ; that is my expression. I want to correct that. 
He says trifle. 

The Polisli ])eop]e who live here and elsewhere, Americans of Polish 
extraction who live here, about 35,000,000 sti'ong, in freedom, that we 
don't realize here that the Bolsheviks if not directly with a bullet, they 
destroy or have destroyed 25,000,000 people with other methods. 


Mr. Flood. Will you ask him if Captain Borisov ever denied to him 
tlie stoiy that he first told him, drunk or sober, in any conversations 
he had with him after the first time? Did Borisov ever say, "Forget 
about it. Forget I said it"'? 

Mr. Mltnarski. No, sir. He would like to reply to your first 
question about using the word "trifle." He wants to explain further 
the word "trifle," referring to Katyn. 

Let's take Rumania, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Albania, East Ger- 
many, East Austria, China, the people of the Soviet Union, and the 
Korean affair. The Korean affair is a problem of the strength of 
the American nerves, whether they will stand it or not. If the xVmer- 
ican nerve fails to stand that pressure, then it will spread both east- 
ward and westward. I woulcl like only to warn the people and the 
distinguished committee that it is not the Russian nation that does 
that. The Russian natio]i is a nation that is friendly; the Russian 
nation is a member of the fi-iendly nations to whom we all belong. The 
13 members of the Bloody Krendin — I know that I will not \i\e long, 
but I am not afraid. I have to try to save the whole free nations. 
I have to say the truth what bolshevism is represented by. Otherwise, 
I would be an unworthy man if I would not have said that. That is 
my resolution. 

I think that all the free nations of the world are bound to, have the 
duty to, to join hands around the the free world and aroinid the free 
United States, the country which first now ste]is out for the fight, the 
struggle against the bad man. 

Mr. O'KoNSivi. May I ask a question. .Vsk him in connection with 
that w^ord "trifle" if it isn't an established j>olicy of the Krendin 
criminals to liquidate opposition wherever they go, that Katyn is only 
a small sample of what they have done wherever they have gone. Ask 
him if it isn't their firm and established policy wherever they go to 
kill off the opposition and the leadeiship. 

Mr. Mlynarski. Yes. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. Ask him also if all the peo])le were added up, the 
murders and the various purges in the various countries they have 
taken over, if the figure would not reach over 25 million people that 
they have already murdered. 

Mr. Mlynarski, For the period ? 

Mr. O'KoNSKi, Ever since they took over in 1917, 

Mr, Mlynarski. He means to say that what he implied was that 
since 1939 and through the march over through Poland throughout 
the period of the war. Then he addeVl that free Poland does not 
exist, that Marshall Pokossovski governs. 

Chairman Madden, Any moi'e questions? 

Mr. JNIiTCHELL. No more questions, 

Mr. FuRCOLO. Several books and documents refer to a conversation 
that is supposed to have taken place between Beria and I think another 
man something like M-e-r-k-u-1-o-v, and someone else — I don't have 
the book with me at the present time — in which a prominent and high 
Russian official was supposed to have said with reference to the Polish 
])risoners at Katyn, "We made a great mistake about them." Do you 
kuow anything about such a conversation? 

Mr. Mlynarski. He only expresses and tells Avhat he knows. He 
may think differently about matters, but he will not expose them as 


lonar as lie doesn't know thoroughly Avhat he has to say. In other 
words, I understand that he doesn't know enough to say ''Yes" or "No" 
to that. 

Mr. FuKCOLo. That is certainly tlie attitude we waut him to take as 
a witness. My question is. have you at any time heard anything 
about such a conversation. 

Mr. Mlynarski, He starts h\ saving the psycholog;y' of the Krem- 
Mr. FuHCOLO. I don't mean to interrupt you. but I think you could 
probably answei* this question very briefly. 

Chairman Madden. 1 think he said he didn't know. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. I am merely asking. I understand that you your- 
self were not present at such a conversation. My question is, At any 
time have you heard about such a conversation from anyone^ Have 
you heard any reference to that? You can answer it either "yes'' or 
"no," and then I can go ahead from there. 

Air. Mlyxarski. He says that he is trying to reply to your question 
for the first time and you don't let him tell it. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. Go ahead and answer. 

Mr. Mlynarski. He is not a gramophone and he can't repeat him- 
self identically each time. 

Mr. FuRcoLo. Tell him he is doing all right. Tell him to go ahead 
in his ow n way. 

Mr. Mlynarski. He said before, the psychology of the Kremlin, 
those who know eveiything, the henchmen who know everything, 
geniuses, is that what the Kremlin is doing is always correct and never 
to admit any faults. 

Chairman Madden. If you will pardon me, I thinly the first question, 
the question of Congressman Furcolo was answered when he asked 
whether or not he knew anything about Stalin or Molotov making the 
statement, "AVe don't want to make the same mistake that we made at 
Katvn.'' I think he said he didn't know anything about that, did he 

Mr. Mlynarski. Yes, he did. 

Chairman Madden. I think he answered that. 

Mr. Furcolo. Let me ask you this question: Various books and 
documents have referred to a conversation that is supposed to have 
taken place between Stalin and someone else in which Stalin, with 
reference to the prisoners at Katyn, is supposed to have written out 
the word "liquidate.*' I realize that you were not present at such a 
conversation. I merely asked, have you at any time heard anything 
about such an occurrence. 

Mr. Mitchell. Either from Russians or from any other nationality. 

Mr. ]\Ilynarski. There is no such thing as a virtue, but there is an 
order set by the Bolsheviks that every one has to be liquidated who is 
against Bolshevism, and that the Polish Army represented by the 
Polish officers was the potential enemy of the Soviet Union. There- 
fore, it had to be liquidated. 

Chairman Madden. Any more questions? 

Mr. Mitchell. No further cjuestions. 

Chairman Madden. We want to thank you, tell him. 

Mr. Mitchell. I would like to have a few minutes with the com- 
mittee and the witness. 


Cluiirnian INIadden. Mr. Inteipreter, \ve would like to tell the wit- 
ness we thank him for coniiiifi: here and testifvino; today. His testi- 
mony is very valuable to the committee. 

Mr. Mlynarski. He wishes to thank yon and he appreciates the 
opportunity, and he says it was his duty to do it. 

Chairman Madden. The committee will recess for If) minutes. 

(Brief recess.) 

Chairman Madden. The conniiittee will come to order. 

Mr. Casimek Skarzynski. Will you be sworn. Do you solemnly 
swear that the testimony you will (jive in the hearin"- now being 
held will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothin<j: but the truth, so 
help you God ? 

Mr. Skarzynski. I do so swear. 



Chairman Madden. State your name to the reporter. 

Mr. Skarzynski. Casimer Skarzynski, C-a-s-i-m-e-r S-k-a-r-z-y-n- 

Chairman Madden. And your address? 

Mr. Skarzynski. My address is Calgary, Alberta, Canada. 

Chairman Madden. Let me ask the witness, do you have any ob- 
jection to being photogi'aphed ? 

Mr. Skarzynski. Not during the hearing, if possible. 

Chairman Madden. Let me say to the photographers that this wit- 
ness does not object to being j^hotogra plied Ijefore he testifies. Natu- 
rally it is against the rules of the committee to take photographs of a 
witness when he is testifying, but he hasn't proceeded with his testi- 
mony and there is no objection to photographs as long as the witness 
does not object. 

I w411 say to the photographers there is no bar against their remain- 
ing in the courtroom as long as the witness doesn't object. 

Counsel may proceed. 

Mr. MiTCHELiv. Mr. Skarzynski, will you state to the committee 
where you were born and when ? 

Mr. Skarzynski. I was born in Poland. 

Mr. Mitchell. Where in Poland? 

Mr. Skarzy'nski. In Warsaw, in a small village near Warsaw, in 
1887. I am 65 years old, 

Mr. Mitchell. Where did you go to school ? 

Mr. Skarzynski. In Austria near Vienna. I finished my high 
school and college in Kalksburg, near Vienna, Austria. Then I was 
1 year in the Ecole des Sciences Politiques, in the School of Political 
Sciences in Paris, France; and then 2 years in the Institute Su[)erieur 
de Commerce in Antwerp in Belgium. 

Mr. Mitchell. What was your occupation immediately before the 
war ? 

Mr. Skarzynski. In the last 15 years before the war I was the vice 
president of the Polish Pulp & Paper Co., Ltd. 

Mr. Mitciholl. A\'lu'r(> were you on Septembei- 1, 19:)!); in what city 
and town? 

Mr. Skarzynski. In Warsaw. 


Mr. Mitchell. What liappened? Will you kindly tell the commit- 
tee what happened to you as an individual from that time on? 

Mr. Skarzyxski. From that time on I stayed in Warsaw for a few 
days and then there was an order to evacuate the male population 
from Warsaw. I went east to tlie ]:)lace of my wife's family and then 
the Germans advanced. Then I came back to Warsaw and went back 
to my office and stayed there until December 1939, at which time I was 
fired by the Germans. The whole board of directors of this company 
was fired by the Germans because the plants were taken over as private 
property of the German Eeich. I was then without employment. I 
volunteered to the l^ilish Red ( h'oss in the first days of January 1940. 

Mr. Mitchell. You volunteered? 

Mr. Skarzyxski. I volunteered: I offered my services to the Polish 
Red Cross, with which I had nothino; to do up to then. Then the 
Polish Red Cross told me that I am nominated general secretary be- 
cause the board of directors was beino; completed. The general secre- 
tary and the chairmim were in London or in Geneva. I couldn't tell 
you that. Anyhow they were abroad at the beginnino- of the war and 
could not come back. So the corj^oration nominated me general sec- 
retary. That is how I started my w^ar work. Shall I continue? 

Mr. Mitchell. Continue, please. 

Mr. Skarzyxski. During the first days of my presence in the office 
of the Polish Red Cross I had especially to organize the financial 
life of the Red Cross because it was a new situation, and in the 
meantime, of course, I held the meetings of the board of directors. 
I heard then that at the end of January 19-10 we had been told by 
the Germans to prepare camps to receive Polish officers who were 
sup])osed to come back from interment in Soviet Russia. Since No- 
vember already the families of these officers started to get letters from 
them, and we knew more or less where they were. We knew about the 
three camps. We didn't know 

Mr. Flood. What three? 

Mr. Skarzyxski. Kozielsk. Starobielsk, and Ostashkov. We didn't 
know much about them, but we knew they were at three camps some- 
where in Russia. 1 knew personally the names of Kozielsk and Staro- 
bielsk. I didn't know then the name of Ostashkov, but I suppose the 
others did. When the Germans told us that we were supposed to 
prepare cam])s to receive them, of course this news electrified the 
families and the whole nation, 14,000 families, a figure which we didn't 
know exactly then. Theie was feverish work started at once. We 
organized refugee cami^s at Terespol, at the border of the then zone 
between Germany and Russia. We sent there nurses, doctors, supplies, 
all that we could. It was not much Init we did what we could. We 
were expecting these officers. 

In the meantime we started correspondence with the International 
Committee of the Red Cross in Geneva and with the German Red 
Cross, which was to a certain extent our controlling authority since 
the occupation. The Germans told us that Russia not having ratified 
the Geneva and The Hague conventions about the Red Cross and 
about the methods of warfare, we could not expect any news from 
our men in Russia and that we must wait for the individual men to 
write first, that no inquiries could be made to Russia. 


Mr. Flood. At that point there were communications directed in 
writing by the Polish Eed Cross, which you know as a fact as general 
secretary, to the German Red Cross in Berlin ? 

Mr. Skarzynski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. And to the International Red Cross in Geneva ? 

Mr. Skarzynski. There is no International Red Cross. There is 
only an International Committee of Red Crosses, which is the linking 
bodv of all National Red Crosses. 

Mr. Flood. With headquarters at Geneva ? 

Mr. Skarzynski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. You wrote letters to Geneva and to Berlin 

Mr. Skarzynski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. For the purpose of soliciting information about these 
Polish officers ? 

Mr. Skarzynski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. When were those letters written ? 

Mr. Skarzynski. They were written since December 1939 because 
we started at once to send them what we knew about the list of 

Mr. Flood. Just a moment. You started to write these letters we 
have just talked about as far back as December of 1939? 

Mr. Skarzynski. Yes ; the first letters. 

Mr. Flood. Dr. Gorczycki 

Mr. Skarzynski. He was the general manager of the Polish Red 

Mr. Flood. At the time you were identified with it? 

Mr. Skarzynski. Yes; the whole time between 19-10 he was already 
there, until 1945. 

Mr. Flood. Counsel for the conmiittee has handed me what pur- 
ports to be a letter to the Committee of the International Red Cross, 
War Prisoner Agency, Geneva, in care of the German Red Cross, 
dated Warsaw, March 18, 1941, with the letterhead of the Polish Red 
Cross, Information Bureau, with certain Polish writing, signed by the 
Director of the Polish Red Cross, Dr. Gorczycki. Will you have this 
marked as an exhibit ? 

(Letter referred to was mnrJced "Exhibit No. 6'' and filed for the 

Mr. Flood. This obviously is a copy of the letter this purports to 
refer to. I now show you exhibit 6, and ask you if you can identify 
this letter yourself oi-, if you cannot identify this exact exhibit, does 
it represent the type and nature of letter that you tell us was written 
by the Polish Red Cross through the German Red Cross to the Red 
Cross International Committee in Geneva at the time ? 

Mr. Skarzynski. That is exactly a copy of the letter, one of the 
many letters. 

Mr. Flood. Do you know of this particular letter of that exact date? 

Mr. Skarzynski, No. 

Mr. Flood. It, however, represents the nature of the letter to which 
you refer ? 

Mr. Skarzynski. Exactly. There wei-e many others before and 
after during the whole war to the Internatioiuil Connnittce. 

Mr. Flood. Mr. Chairman, I think this should be made a part of 
the record. 


(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 6" and is as 
follows :) 

Exhibit No. 6 

PoLjsH Red Ckoss, 
information bukeau, 
Warszawa Ulica Czerwonb:go Krzyza, 40, 

Warsaw, March IS, 1941. 

To the Committee of the International Red Cross War Prisoners Agency — 
Geneva, in Care of the German Red Cross. 

Genti.emen : The information bureau of the Polish Red Cross aclinowledges 
receipt of the letter dated 29.1.41. Mil. Pol. G.P. 133, enclosed in the letter of the 
German Red Cross dated 11.11.41, No. VII/4-Br./HC and submits the following 
details collected by us concerning the Polish prisoners detained in Soviet Russia. 

Ad. 1. The Polish Red Cross has received a large amount of letters from pris- 
oners detained in officers prison camps in Russia until Spring 1940. From then 
on, until November, all correspondence with officers interned in Russia ceased. 
Since November, some letters, but in negligible quantity, were received again. 

Ad. 2 and 3. We suppose, basing all our conclusions on our informations, that 
prisoner camps in U. S. S. R. are divided into three classes. 

The camps situated in Russia at Starobielsk, Kozielsk, Ostaszkow were mainly 
used for members of the Police Force, Military Policemen, Officials of the Courts 
of Justice, Attorneys, Judges, and members of civil courts. Letters from Staro- 
bielsk and Kozielsk were received until spring 1940. Since then they ceased 
completely. Camp Ostaszkow was mailing always the smallest quantity of letters 
and was the first to stop all correspondence. It can be assumed from families 
of the detained and from the descriptions given by the prisoners themselves and 
by the civilian refugees which have been liberated and were allowed to return 
to Poland, that the camps of Starobielsk and Kozielsk's were slowly liquidated 
from March until end of May 1940. 

The prisoners, by groups, were sent to an unknown destination. We have 
received no news from Camp Ostaszkow. 

It was learned in July 1940 that two camps for officers were organized at 
Griszowiec, district of Wologda, where 400 officers from camps Starobielsk, 
Kozielsk, Ostaszkow, and also Pawliszczew Bor were transferred. We know very 
little about this last concentration camp. 

We have a list of addresses of prisoners camps in U. S. S. R. besides the fron- 
tier camps mentioned at the beginning of this letter. 

1. Moscow central post office. Box ll/C-12. This is the address of pris- 
oners of Kozielsk camp. 

2. Moscow central post office, Box ll/C-15. This address has not been 
verified yet. Only one letter from a prisoner formerly at Starobielsk was 

Two kolkhozs near Kozielsk, Popielewo and Kombinat, are reserved for civil- 
ian prisoners, there are no military in both cities. During August, September, 
and October the Polish Red Cross using question forms issued jointly with the 
German Red Cross using 500 inquiries to Moscow to the Commisary of the Inte- 
rior, war prisoners central agency. Those inquiries conf^erned persons arrested 
by the police or detained at different camps. In January 1941 we have received 
from the Union of Red Crosses and Red Crescents of the U. S. S. R. 87 replies, all 
of them negative. 

Dr. Wt. GoRCZYCKi, 
The Director of the Polish Red Cross. 

Mr. Flood. Go ahead. 

Mr. Skarzynski. A¥e waited at this camp ready to receive the 
officers for several months. I don't remember exactly if it was in 
April or in May 1940 that the German authorities told us to close 
the camps, telling us that the officers won't come back. 

Mr, Flood. What German echelon of command told you that, mili- 
tary or German Red Cross? 

Mr. Skar/.ynski. Militaiy. That was the representative of the 
German General Government. You know the Germans when they 


invaded Poland they took over a part of western Poland and incorpo- 
rated it into the Eeich, against of coui-se all the conventions. Russia 
took the eastern })art, and the middle was some territory left under 
t he name of General Government. 

Mr. Flood. This was a German military occupation government. 

Mr. Skarzynski. A German military occupation government. 
They didn't want to use the name Poland. Tliey jnst called that 
General Government. 

Mr. Flood. Were those instructions given directly to. you or did you 
hear about them ^ 

Mr. Skarzynski. The instructions wei-e given by a representative of 
the German Government to Dr. Gorzcycki. 

Mr. Flood. What was tlie date of that directive or that oi-der^ 

Mr. Skarzyxski. I don't remember. It was about April or May,, 
or maybe the first day of June, but not later, 1940. 

Mr. Flood. Was that the substance of the order ? 

Mr. Skarzynski. It was the substance of the order. It was a verbal 

Mr. Flood. A verbal order. 

Mr. Skarzynski. I was simply notified that the camps .should be 
closed and that we are not supposed to expect any officers to come back 
from Russia. From then on the correspondence with the families, 
first, and the International Committee became more and more active 
during these 2% years which had elapsed since that moment and 
the discovery of Katyn. To realize the atmosphere under which 
we were at the moment of the discover}^ of Katyn, you must remember 
that the Polish nation and Hitler's, too, the part of the nation under 
Germany, was subject to the most bestial atrocities of the Germans, 
and we were witness to atrocities which are beyond description. I 
won't take your nerve and your time to describe them, but we were 
all the time under German most atrocious pressure. At the mouient 
when the Katyn discovery was made we were just Avitnessing perhaps 
the most atrocious move of the Germans in Poland, which was the 
liquidation of the Polish citizens of Jewish descent. It started in the 
winter of 1942-43 just in the time when Katyn was discovered. All 
of these atrocities created an atmosphere of hate for the Germans, and 
it is strange to say but the whole Katj'n story on behalf of the Polish 
Red Cross is a .story of a struggle not with the Russians but with the 
(xerman authorities under which rule we were. It is noi-mal and 
human. We knew about Russia, but we knew not much, and we were 
under the Germans. 

Chairman Madden. What year are you referring to? 

Mr. Skarzynski. I am referrring to the 2 years, more than 2 years 
from the beginning of the war to the discoverv of Katyn, to make you 
understand the atmosphere under which we were. 

('hairman Madden. That is about 4 years? 

Mr. Skarzynski. No; between, sa}^ January 1940 and Aj)ril 1943. 

Chairman Madden. About 3 3^ears? 

Mr. Skarzynski. About 3 years. On the ninth of April 1943, be- 
fore anybody knew about the Katyn affair, the chairman of the 
]*olish Red Cross had a phone from the propaganda department of 
the German Government in Warsaw, and he was sunnnoned to come 
at once to a meeting where a special envoy of Dr, Goebbels of tlic 


Propaganda Ministry in Berlin, was supposed to have a speech. 
The chairman refused to go under the pretext that he couldn't go 
immediately and that it was a propaganda move. To his surprise 
the German received his refusal very politely, for the first time since 
the beginning of the war, and he told him, 'Tt is all right if you 
can't come, and I will come to you in the afternoon and I will tell 
3'ou or phone you what was the result of the meeting." 

In the afternoon he phoned again the chairman and he told that 
an envoy of tlie German Propaganda INIinistry, of Dr. Goebbels, made 
a speech to all kind of Polish institutions and organizations and that 
he told them about the discovery by the German military autliorities 
of a mass grave of Polish officers allegedly massacred by the Russians 
and that he is of the opinion and the German Government is of the 
opinion that the time had come for reconciliation between the Polish 
and tlie Germans under the sign of the joint effort to fight for the 
civilization of Europe against the barbaric East. 

The (ierman couldn't expect the Polish nation, after all this terrible 
atrocities they committed, to join them enthusiastically in their fight 
against Russia because Germany was guilty of their own crimes. But 
that is what they expected. In the beginning we had the best co- 
operation from the German authorities, which was news for us, until 
the moment they saw that this hope that the Polish nation was going 
to jump to the neck of Germany because the Katyn crime was dis- 
jjellfd. S'nce that time we woi'lced under different conditions. 

When the German rej^resentative had come back after this phoae 
call he told the chairman of our Red Cross that on the following day 
a plane is leaving Warsaw and there are two seats reserved for the 
Polish Red Cross Board of Directors, and that this envoy of Dr. 
Goebbels is going to fly with them. The chairman refused again 
because he said that is a pure propaganda move, and the Red Cross 
must keep away from any propaganda. He was received again very 
politely by the Germans. We waited for 2 days, and in the meantime 
we got in contact with our underground authorities, and the public 
didn't know yet about Katyn. It was not yet official. 

]Mr. Flood. You got in touch with what underground authorities? 

]\Ir. Skarzynski. With the Polish underground authorities in 

JNIr. Flood. Who were operating during the German occupation? 

Mr. Skarzynski. During the whole time of the German occupation. 
We had one liaison officer, only one man in link with them, because 
the need for secrecy, and he was Dr. Gorczycki. He was the only 
one who had a contact between the Red Cross and the unclergrouncl. 
Nobody at first wanted to know. In the secrecy of the underground 
one man has one task, and he was the liaison. The underground 
told us that, whatever happened, we must take part as much as we 
can, and we decided to exhume the bodies to enable the families to get 
a list of the identified officers and to try to know who did the murder. 

I must tell you, gentlemen, our first impression was the absolute 
impression that the Germans did it, and that we had to do with a 
German provocation, after seeing what we saw during tliese 2i/^ 

The day after, on the 12th of April, came one of the men who was 
on the Katyn propaganda mission, a very well-known Polish author 


who was there. He came back and told us that it was his duty to 
report to the Polish Red Cross as the last remnant of Polish sover- 
eignty, which we really were. 

Mr. Flood. Can you give us his name? 

Mr. Skarzynski. It was Ferdinand Goetel. He is now on this side. 

Mr. Flood. Where is he now ? 

Mr. Skarzynski. As far as I know, a few years ago he was in Italy. 
I couldn't tell you where he is now. 

From the Floor. In England. 

Mr. Skarzynski. He is an intelligent man. He gave information 
personally to me because he was my good acquaintance. From his 
point it seemed to appear that it was a crime really; that there are 
the bodies of a thousand Polish officers over there ; and that the crime 
seemed to him to be committed by Russia. We still had our suspicions, 
and we still did not quite believe who did the crime. 

On the 14th of April Dr. Grundman, from the propaganda depart- 
ment of the German Government, came personally to see me and told 
us that tlie plane had already left Krakow, and two high officers of 
our Red Cross, the Krakow branch, were already in the plane with a 
delegation of the Polish clergy, and that we are supposed to join the 
flight and to send a delegation of the board of directors to inspect 

Chairman Madden. There will be a 30-second recess. 

(Brief recess.) 

Chairman Madden. Will you continue, please? 

Mr. Skarzynski. We were told the fact that the plane was leaving 
and that two high officers of the Polish Red Cross in Krakow were 
already on the way. The Krakow branch of the Polish Red Cross was 
important because the capital of the general government was Kra- 
kow, not Warsaw. The branch of the Polish Red Cross there was 
under immediate pressure of this main military of Ivrakow. We had 
to decide in a very short moment. 

We refused to send a delegation of the board of directors for the 
same reason that I told you, not to further propaganda, but accord- 
ing to the instructions received by the underground we decided to 
send a skeleton exhumation crew to be left to start to work immedi- 
ately, if necessary, and one member of the board of directors who was 
supposed to head this group and who had the power to decide what- 
ever he thought necessary to do the work, start the work or to abandon 
it, or to refuse to do it. It happened that the board of directors nomi- 
nated me for this task. That is why I flew to Katyn. 

Mr. Flood. At this minute when you left Warsaw to join the two 
Red Cross Poles from Krakow to go to Katyn 

]\Tr. Skarzynski. I joined them in Warsaw. 

Mr. Flood. It was your understanding, even though you went with 
this skeleton crew, that no decision had been made by the Polish Red 
Cross at that point to actually cooperate. 

Mr. Skarzynski. No. 

Mr. Flood. That decision was to be left to you as the chief of the 
delegation after you were on the field at Katyn and decided then and 
only then whether or not you would recommend that the Polish Red 
Cross proceed ; is that it ? 


Mr. Skarzynski. Yes, and I had the right to leave this skeleton 
crew or not. It was on the 14th of April at 3 p. m. that we left War- 
saw in a plane. On this plane was not a delegation of the Polish 
clergy as the Germans told me, but just one priest sent by the Arch- 
bishop of Krakow to give the benediction to the bodies and to pray, 
just one priest. Then there was a German head of the delegation, 
of course, Mr. Zenzinger. Three Germans were there at the airport 
who were told to me as being members of the Berlin criminal police. 
They were supposed to go there because they were interested in the 
legibility of documents, £he ability to be read, legibility of docu- 
ments found on the bodies. I suppose they were members of the 
Gestapo, but I can't tell you that. Three very suspicious young Poles 
were serving the Germans, one a doctor of the only German paper pub- 
lished in the Polish language, one a movie operator, a man who took 
pictures, one only, and another young fellow who was an employee. 

Mr. Flood. By suspicious you mean you were suspicious that they 
may have been collaborating with the Germans? 

Mr. Skarzynski. They certainly were, especially the man who was 
a doctor of this paper. 

Mr. Flood. By doctor you mean editor? 

Mr. Skarzynski. Editor. Certainly he was collaborating. The 
others Avere just physical employees hired by the Germans. We flew 
2 days to Smolensk. We spent the night in Minsk, and then we came 
to Smolensk in the afternoon on the loth and spent the night again 
without being permitted to go to the graves. 

Mr. Flood. The 15th of what? 

Mr. Skarzynski. Of April. Of course Smolensk was a wholly 
militarily occupied town, and we had to take our meals with the Ger- 
man officers, which was not very pleasant to us, but we couldn't help 
it. We were invited to the officers mess of a unit which was called 
the propaganda company. It was a unit which the German divisions 
or armies had, which was supposed to keep up the Nazi spirits among 
the troops. This propaganda company was the unit which discovered 
Katyn. I believe the commanding officer was not an important officer, 
but just a subaltern level. Lieutenant Slovencik from the late Rus- 
sian Army, and Second Lieutenant Von Arndt, who told me he was a 
lawyer in Berlin before the war — these two gentlemen were the hosts 
and received us in this mess. We had a very frugal meal. After the 
meal Lieutenant Slovencik spoke and explained first his version of 
how the Germans discovered the Katyn graves. He started with a lie. 
He stated that in 1939 the Germans conquered Poland and gave a part 
of the conquered land over to Russia, and that is how it happened that 
many Polish officers got into the Russian Army. 

Mr. Flood. What language did he speak? 

Mr. Skarzynski. German, of course. 

Mr. Flood. You all understood German? 

Mr. Skarzynski. I understood German. Some of us did and some 

Mr. Flood. You did ? 

Mr. Skarzynski. I did, of course, and that he, being the CO of this 
company, heard in Smolensk that in 1942 some Polish workers hired 
by the German authorities for some work in contact with the native 
population heard about a massacre of Polish officers and that this 


Kiissian peasant showed them tlie phice. These Polish Avorkers were 
supposed to have made some digging and found some bodies, and 
being afraid of the number of bodies, they covered the graves up again 
and put three birch crosses on the spot. Then they went away with 
their units somewdiere east with the advancing German armies. That 
is the vei'sion of Lieutenant Slovencik, 

He said that these rumors grew in intensity during the year he was 
in Smolensk and that he then decided on his own accord to investigate 
what was the matter about these rumors, an<,l that he discovered these 
seven graves in Katyn. Being deeply shocked by the tragedy of these 
Polish families, he wired about his discovery to his superiors in Berlin, 
and he is very proud to state that the Feuhrer answered. 

Mr. Flood. He wired his superiors in Berlin directly from the field, 
did he say ? 

Mr. Skarztnski. From the propaganda company in Smolensk 
where the headquarters of his company were. I suppose it went 

Mr. Flood. Through channels. 

Mr. Skaezynski. Through channels. And that the Feuhrer him- 
self gave him the answer and was satisfied with his initiative, of which 
he was very proud, and that the Feuhrer gave him the order to coop- 
erate wnth the Poles and to do everything possible to enable the fam- 
ilies to get the names of the victims and to get everything on the bodies 
of the victims. 

He finished his speech by an appeal to the Polish nation about the 
necessity to join again the Germans in their figlit against Russia. 

I was the only one to answer, and I answered him that I came here 
just for the purely technical purpose of exhumation. I talked about 
half an hour about some details as to the organization of that eventual 
exhumation to be decided tomorrow. He promised me his full coopera- 
tion, and he was very cooperative. Then I could not help, I had to 
rectify his mistake in his speech. I told him it wasn't true that the 
German Armies conquered all of Poland and then gave over one part 
of the territory to Russia, but that Russia entered Poland during the 
fight on the basis of the pact between Von Ribbentrop and Molotov. 
I told him then that as to the appeal to the Polish nation I must state 
and have the right to reply that every Pole would be deeply shocked 
by this discovery, but inevitably will link this matter with the fact 
that it was done at a time when Russia, the present eiiemy of Germany, 
was their friend and ally, on the basis, again, of this pact. 

I must say that the German officers didn't answer a word. 

Chairman Madden. A little louder. 

Mr. Skarzynski. That was the end of this meeting, and we went to 
sleep. On the day after that we were driven to the graves which, if 
I am not mistaken, is only about 15 kilometers west from Smolensk. 
The approach to the site was terrible because we saw already 300 bodies 
exhumed, lying around the grave. The grave was open, the upper 
layers emptied and lying around. There were huge red crosses flying. 
They were not red crosses of our type. They w^ere hanging vertically, 
not horizontally. They were just for propaganda pur[)()ses. With 
this one priest we went around, our crew, and we saw all tliese bodies, 
and we stated then that the 300 bodies were all shot by a shot through 
the head. 


'Sir. Flood. At that point, was the group that Avent from Smolensk 
with the Germans to tlie graves in the Katyn Forest on that day only 
3'our Polish group ^ 

Mv. Skarzyxski. It ^Yas a group which was in the plane, our Polish 
group plus the Red Cross group, plus the priest from Krakow, plus a 
doctor I had with me. I didn't know liim. Maybe I wanted his ad- 
vice. Plus the three Berlin policemen, the chief of the delegation, 
and the three young Poles in the service of the Germans. 

Mr. Flood. Right. 

Mr. Skarzynski. We saw all these 300 bodies were certainly shot 
dead, killed by a shot through the base of the cranium. I didn't see 
any other ones, just the ones with the classical wound. We saw some 
bodies which were tied with a rope. The men had winter clothes; the 
coat covered the head. 

Mr. Flood. How do you mean? 

Mr. SivARZYXSKi. The particular bodies which were tied. 

Mr. Flood. How was the coat over the head? What do you mean 
by that ? 

Mr. SkarzyxstvI. The winter coat — — 

Mr. Flood. Overcoat, we call it here. 

]Mr. Skarzy^xski. The overcoat was taken off the body and covered 
the head and then tied with a rope. At the same time the hands were 
tied backward with the rope. 

^Ir. l^LooD. Did you see the hands tied behind the back yourself? 

Mr. Skarzy'xski. Yes; several bodies. 

Mr. Flood. Was it a rope or a wire ? 

Mr. Skarzyxskt. A ro])e. I never saw a wire. Then there was a 
rope joining this rope of the neck with the rope which tied the hands. 
It was a perfect hobble. The coat was put over the body in a way 
that the slit at the end of the coat was exactly at the place where the 
revolver had to be \)\\t. You saw the head in a narrow patch on the 
back on tb.e place where the revolver had to be applied. I saw one 
body with the mouth tilled with something like sawdust. I didn't 
try it with my fingers, of course. It looked like sawdust. I was told 
afterward that there were some others. 

I saw then the bodies of two generals, Smorawski and Bohaterowicz. 
The bodies were quite well preserved. The hands were perfectly 
preserved, even the tingernails. 

Mr. Flood. How do you know those were the bodies of two generals? 

Mr. Skarzy'X'Ski. The generals had a special stripe alongside the 
trousers and, of course, with shoulder straps. 

Chairman Maddex. These bodies where the mouth was filled with 

Mr. ISkarzyxski. I saAv one. 

Chairman Maddex. Did they have a bullet hole in the back of the 
neck the same as the others ? 

Mr. Skarzy'xski. The same as the others. 

Mr. Sheeiiax\ Mr. Madden, I would like to point out for the mem- 
bers of the conuuittee that is a significant bit of testimony, the saw- 
dust in the mouths, because the secret witness we had in Washington, 
the hooded witness, who was an eyewitness, stated that in many of 
the shootings he saw apparently the Russian officers would reach down 
into a box of sawdust or something and stuff their mouth before they 

[»:!744~52 — pt. :^ — —IZ 


either shot them or threw them in the grave. This gentleman cor- 
roborates that evidence, which is the first direct testimony we have 
had of that fact. 

Mr. Sic^^RZYNSKi. I saw one body, and I have been told by the Ger- 
mans that there were others. I don't know how many others. 

Tlie priest took his liturgical dress, and we all joined in the prayer. 
He immediately fainted after the prayer. He was a very poor man. 
He couldn't stand the smell. We had to revive him in about half an 

We continued to inspect the bodies. After seeing 20 or 50, it is 
about the same for 300 or a thousand. There is no difference. They 
were all in the same condition. 

Mr. Flooix Did the Germans have medical officers or medical corps- 
men there pointing out to you ? 

Mr. Skarzynski. No, not with us. They were in another place 
that I will tell you about in a minute. The uniforms were well pre- 
served, all the distinctions. The distinctions in the Polish Army are 
on the shoulder straps. That is how I could tell the generals, not only 
the trousers but also the shoulder straps. The Polish eagles on the 
officers' caps, the buttons and the decorations were in a perfect state. 
The uniform, which was of very good quality in the Polish Army in 
1939, was in a very decent state. The boots, too. I mean the upper 
part of the boots, because the soles were certainly worn out through 
this month of life in Kozielsk and the internment. 

We stayed there for several hours. I refused three times to talk for 
the broadcast. They wanted me to broadcast my impressions. Of 
course I refused. I told them I am going to do that under the con- 
dition that I am not going to join the German propaganda. 

Mr. Mitchell. This is right at the site of the graves'^ 

Mr. Skarzynski. Eight at the site of the graves. Then I had two 
talks with Russian peasants. The day before at this famous meeting I 
saw pictures taken of depositions of the Russian peasants which say, as 
I suppose you all know, that in April and May 1940 there were cars 
coming to the station of Gziezdovo, that in these cars were Polish 
officers, that these officers were taken into special trucks which are 
made in Russia to transport prisoners. The population called these 
trucks the Black Raven. That was the name in Russia, Blnck Raven. 
That these trucks took the Polish officers to the place of Katyn 

Mr. Machrowicz. Are you telling us now of your conversation with 
these Russian peasants? 

Mr. Skarzynski. What I read the day before. And that from this 
forest they heard shots and cries. 

I talked to them. I knew, of course, that these people told the 
truth. I had that impression. I talked Avith two of them, and they 
repeated the same thing which I saw the day before in the paper. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You say you talked with two peasants. Were 
these talks with the peasants arranged for you by the Germans? 

Mr. Skarzynski. The peasants were there waiting. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Was that arranged by the Germans? 

Mr, Skrazynski. Certainly. 

Mr. Flood. What language did they speak? 

Mr. Skarzynski. Russian. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you speak Russian ? 


Mr. Skarzynski. Yes. 

Mr, Machrowicz. Were there any German officers present while 
you talked to them ? 

Mr. Skarzynski. Lieutenant Slovencik was present. I didn't have 
the impression of any of these Eussian peasants being under pres- 
sure, certainly not. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did anything happen there that would indicate 
to you that there was any pressure used upon them by the Germans? 

Mr. Skarzynski. No; then I talked to the second Russian peasant 
without any assistance. I talked with him for maybe 3 or 4 minutes 
alone, and he repeated the same thing to me in Eussian with the 
clear eyes of a Eussian peasant, and you could see he was telling the 
truth. ' Tlien the Germans started to crowd around us. I saw^ a Ger- 
man with a microplione aproaching, wanting to take this conversa- 
tion. Then I stopped at once and went away. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. At the time you were talking to him, Slovencik pro- 
bably couldn't talk Eussian anyway, could he? 

Mr. Skarzynski. He couldn't. I suppose he had some knowledge 
of the Eussian language. He knew some words, but he didn't speak 
Eussian. Some of the other Germans could. 

Mr. MiTCHFXL. When you were interrogating these Eussian wit- 
nesses could you ask them any questions you wanted to ? 

Mr, Skarzynski. Sure, certainly. There was not pressure there. 

Then we drove to a place near the graves, about one mile and a half, 
where there was a police station. This police station was under the 
command of a Second Lieutenant or Lieutenant Voss, a police officer ; 

Mr. FuRCOLO. Before you get to that, had these Eussian peasants 
told you the same thing that was in the depositions ? 

Mr. Skarzynski. The same thing. Especially in this short conver- 
sation where we were alone, in a very short and rapid way to get it 
out of him, he confirmed that exactly, 

Mr, JMachkow^cz, Do you happen to remember the names of any 
of these peasants ? 

Mr, Skarzynski, I remember one named Kisielev, K-i-s-i-e-1-e-v. 
Then w^e went to the station ; we drove to the station where we found 
this police officer Voss, and Dr. Buhtz. Dr. Buhtz was there, and he 
had a kind of small laboratory which was installed to make legible 
some documents which could not be read. Those documents and 
decorations were exposed on a kind of a table, and all those docu- 
ments were really prior to May and April 1940. Of course that was 
not proof for us because the exhumation was clone without us, but we 
saW' that. I once again refused to broadcast. Then I was asked by the 
Germans privately and personally to express my opinion about what 
I saw, and I told then that I was of course deeply shocked and that 
I must underline with satisfaction the spirit of the army. In the 
meantime I had already decided to leave the three men in Katyn, and 
leaving them at the mercy of the German Army alone on foreign 
territory occupied by one of our enemies, I couldn't imagine they 
could work out the full cooperation of the Germany Army. I wanted 
to make a good start. The German Army was cooperative in 


Before leaving I talked to the head of the three-man crew which I 
left in Katyn, Lieutenant Rojkiewicz, volunteer worker of the Red 
Cross in wartime, R-o-j-k-i-e-w-i-c-z, that he has to organize these 
exhumations according to the instruction of the Germans as arranged 
with Lieutenant Slovencik, that he has to comply of course with all 
instructions given by the Germans, with one exception, that if he 
should be deprived of the right to read the documents and to see docu- 
ments immediately at the exhumation as well as at the police station 
where they were stored, if he had not full freedom to do that, he was 
supposed to pack his things and come back to Warsaw, because we had 
the impression — we didn't know then tliat we could in the future 
make a medical-legal investigation of the documents. We didn't know 
the amount of documents that were going to be found there. We 
thought that the only possibility to have an idea about the date of the 
murder was to read the documents on the bodies as the bodies were 
exhumed. That is why I told them, not knowing exactly the organiza- 
tion of the work, how the Germans would do it, in spite of their 
cooperativeness, I told him that in case the Polish crew should be de- 
prived of the right to read the documents, to have insight to them, 
then they should simply refuse to continue and come back to Warsaw. 

They didn't have to do that. There was friction between them and 
the Germans, but they had the right to look at the documents on the 
bodies and to look at the documents at the police station. That was 
the most important thing. So I came back to Warsaw, leaving this 

Mr. Flood. How long were you at Katyn, in hours ? 

Mr. Skarzynski. About 6 hours, not more. 

Mr. Flood. Did you ever go back? 

Mr. Skarzynski. No. I will tell you why : I came to Warsaw, and 
on the 17th the Board of Directors met again, and we prepared a 
statement to be given to the Germans, if necessary, and this statement 
contained only eight laconic points: That I had been there; that I 
stated the presence of these 300 bodies ; that I stated the shot wounds 
through the head ; that the murders had not been committed for rob- 
bery because the pockets were full of money, wallets, purses, docu- 
ments, et cetera; that the documents which had been shown to us 
seemed to prove that the date of the murder was April and May 

Mr. Flood. You stressed the word "seemed." 

Mr. Skarzynski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Why did you use that word at that time ? 

Mr. Skarzynski. Because we didn't take the documents ourselves. 
They were presented to us by the Germans. 

Mr. Flood. This was a report that the Polish Red Cross directors 
were preparing in case the Germans asked you for one ? 

Mr. Skarzynski. That is it. 

Mr. Flood. Did they ever ask you for one ? 

Mr. Skarzynski. Yes; the same day. And as the last point, that 
we were ready to take the task of exhumation but of course this task 
is only possible with the fullest collaboration of the Geiman Army, 
impossible otherwise. The last j)oint I stated, that the (lerman Army 
was very cooperative, was on purpose, as I told you, to make a good 
start, and it was true. 


Mr. Flood. Do you have a copy of that report ? 

Mr. Skarzynski. Yes ; I have it here. 

Mr, Flood, Will you let me see it'^ 

Mr. SK.VRZYXSKL It is in Polish. 

Mr. Flood. Let me see it anyhow. [Document handed to Mr. Flood.] 


Chairman Madden. The hearing will come to order. 


Mr. Flood. When we recessed, I was asking jou if you had a copy 
of the Polish IJed (^ross report that yon had prepared in anticipa- 
tion of a German request for such a report. 

Mr. Skarzynski. Correct. 

Mr. Flood. And you told me you had prepared such a report — by 
"you," I mean the board of directors of the Polish Red Cross at War- 
saw — and that you had it here, and you presented me with a document 
which you say is a copy of such a report, written in Polish. 

I have presented that to my colleague, the gentleman from Michigan, 
Congressman Machrowicz, who reads and understands Polish, and he 
tells me it is such an instrument as you say. 

Will you find there for me that part of this document which con- 
tains the eight points which you gave the Germans { 

Mr. Skarzynski. It was prepared to be given eventually. 

Mr. Flood. Prei)ared to be given eventually, and I understand it 
was afterward given. 

Mr. Skarzynski. It w^as given afterward. 

There it is [indicating], 

Mr. Flood. I have shown page 12 to Congressman ]Michrowicz, aud 
he confirms your statement that pages 12 and 1?> do contain the ejght 
points that you have detailed for us. 

I would like these two pages to be translated from Polish into 
English and inserted at this point in the record. Will you, Mr. Pucin- 
ski [addressing the investigator for the committee] , see that those pages 
are so translated and inserted at this point ? 

Chairman Madden. Will you mark that as an exhibit ? 

Mr. Flood. I want that incorporated as part of the record, 

(The pages referred to were marked "Exhibit No, 7," and are as 
follows :) 

Exhibit No. 7 
[Translation from Polish, pages 12 and 13] 

The next morning I submitted an oral report on my journey to the Central 
Board. The report was given in tlie minutes of tlie Presidium's meeting No. 33:i. 
From tliis report the following facts emerged : 

1) At the locality of Katyn, near Smolensk, there are partially excavated 
mass graves of Polish officers : 

2) kelying upon the examination of al^out ."W) bodies so far exhiimed. one 
may state that these officers were killed by bullets tired into the back of the 
head. The unift)rm nature of the wounds in all [tlie l^odies] proves beyond 
doubt [that the executions were] mass executions. 

3) The murder was not motivated by robbery, because the bodies are in 
uniforms, in boots, with distinctions, and a considerable number of Polisli coins 
and l.anknotes were found on the bodies. 


4) The murder took place in March-April 1940. This judgment is based upon 
the documents found on the bodies. 

5) Up to now, only a small number of the murdered persons (150) have been 

6) If identification and registration of the murdered people is desired, the 
team sent to Smolensk should be increased by 5 or G persons. 

7) The work of our Technical Commission can be develoi>ed and carried on 
only jointly with the work of the German military authorities competent in this 

8) Our Commission received the kindest and fullest collaboration from the 
German military authorities in this area. 

The first 6 of the above points do not require any discussion. With regard 
to point 7, the performance of an independent investigation by the Polish Red 
Cross alone at Katyn Forest was absolutely impossible. That the Polish Red 
Cross undertook the work of exhumation on such a scale outside the frontiers 
of Poland, in a foreign country devastated by the war and occupied by imr 
enemies, and moreover near the front (Smolensk is now only 80-40 km. from 
the front line), might [indicate that they] might have had in mind an'investiga- 
tion undertaken only with the assistance of the German army. It should be 
borne in mind that in the Katyn affair, as in all other affairs, the ends of German 
policy and those of the Polish Red Cross were totally different. The aim of the 
Polish Red Cross was to bury the bodies of the Polish officers in new graves as 
soon as the wearisome and complex work of exhumation and identification had 
been accomplished. The German authorities, however, were interested in i)rop- 
aganda. This discrepancy of aims has led to frictions which will be discussed 
infra. It was beyond any doubt that the German propaganda would give up the 
control of the worlt in order to ingratiate itself with Polish public opinion. 
Although this undertaking was in the interest of propaganda to some degi'ee, 
[propaganda] was nevertheless a secondary motive. The Polish Red Cross 
was to choose either to give up the work or to accept a modest executive function 
on the spot, under German control. For reasons mentioned al)ove, the Polish 
Red Cross has decided to choose the latter alternative. 

With regard to point 8, the Central Board having its Technical Commission 
near Smolensk in full dependence upon the German army, and having in mind 
the importance of the work of the Commission, it [the Central Board] deemed it 
advisable to give . . . 

[Translated by: Dr. Peter Siekanowscz, Foreign Law Section, Law Library^ 
Library of Congress May 14, 1952.] 

Mr. Flood. You told ns this morninfr that one of the things tluit 
encouraged the Polish Red Cross to cooperate with the Germans and 
go to Katyn, or at least to determine if you would cooperate, was the 
urging of the Polish underground so to do. 

Mr. Skarzynski. That is right, 

Mr. Flood. Did the Polish underground expect you to report back 
to them ? 

Mr. Skarzynski. Certainly. 

Mr. Flood. Did you make such a rej^ort to the Polish underground? 

Mr. Skarzynski. The day after my return from Katyn. 

Mr, Flood, You will have to talk alittle louder. 

Mr. Skarzynski. The day after my return from Katyn. 

Mr, Flood. What dav did vou return from Katyn to Warsaw ? 

Mr. Skarzynski, Tlie 17th of April 1943. 

Mr. Flood, The 17th of April 194?>. "\^niat is the date of the Polish 
Red Cross report to the Germans? 

Mr, Skarzynski, The 17th of April, the same date, in the morning. 
I came back from Katyn in a German aircraft on the 16th at niirht 
without stopping, from Smolensk to Warsaw, On the l7th, in the 
morning, we had this meeting of the board of directors of the Polisli 
Red Cross, and we elaborated the eight points. Then in the afternoon, 
I was summoned to appear before the Germans, the propaganda de- 
partment of the government. 


Mr. Flood. You were? 

Mr. Skarztnski. I was personally. 

I met there Dr. Griuidman, the same man who informed me first 
about Katyn, Dr. Heinrich, who was the official supervisor of the 
Red Cross, an SS man, and two Grestapo men presented to me as such. 
They told me these two gentlemen belonged to the Gestapo, the Ge- 
heime Staats Polizer. 

They asked me to report what I saw at Katyn, and then they sum- 
moned me to give an interview to the press, which I refused. When 
they heard my refusal, Dr. Heinrich told me, "All right, you can 
refuse, but then you must write a letter to the press, and this letter 
we intend to send to London " 

Mr. Flood. What press ? 

Mr. Skarztnski. The (irerman press, of course — "send to London 
to make your compatriots from London know what is in Katyn." 

Mr. Flood. By "compatriots in London,'* what did he mean ? 

Mr. Skarzyxski. After having refused the interview, they wanted 
me to write a letter, a report about my Katyn visit, and this report 
was supposed to appear in the whole of Germany; and, of course, 
necessarily appear also in the English press, the British press, in 
order to open the ej'es, as they said, of my compatriots in London, 
to make them understand what Germany was after. 

Mr. Flood. By "compatriots in London," do you mean what we 
refer to as the Free Polish Government? 

Mr. Skarztnski, Exactly. 

Mr. Flood. Did you do that? 

Mr. Skarztnski. No, I refused. I must say this time I was a little 
scared in refusing. 

Mr. Fix)0d. It was about time you got scared refusing. 

Mr. Skarztnski. I told them I refused because, "first of all, it 
would be the same thing as an interview ; and secondly, because I am 
convinced that it wouldn't have the effect you expect, because my 
compatriots in London would have the impression that I had the 
choice between sending the letter or being sent to a concentration 
camp." That was the moment when I was scared. 

Dr. Grundman, of the propaganda, saved the situation because he 
started to laugh aloud, and he said, "The man is right." So that is 
Avhat finished it. 

Tlien Dr. Heinrich, in a rather angry tone, told me, "Well, then, 
I, as supervisor of the Polish Red Cross, summon you to give me 
today by 5 p. m. a report of your visit." 

Mr. Flood. And that is the report we have just placed in the record ? 

Mr. Skarztnski. That is what has been placed in the record, and 
nothing else has been given to the German propaganda. 

Mr. Flood. That is all the Germans got from the Poles? 

Mr. Skarztnski. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. You say you did make a report to the Polish under- 
ground ? 

i\Ir. Skarztnski. And that took months, and that is this document. 

Mr. Flood. Did you make the same report to the Polish under- 
ground that you gave to the Germans ? 



Mr. Flood. Did you make a report to the Polish luulero^oiind ? 

Mr. Skarzyxski. I did, the same day I did to the (iermaiis. I met 
the chief of wliat was called the civilian service. 

Mr. Flood. 1 tlioufjlit you told us this mornino; that oidy the i)resi- 
dent of the Pohsli Red Cross luul a contact with the underorouud. 
How did you o'et it ^ 

Ml". Skarzynski. T got it when a friend of mine, wlio was manager 
of a Polish bank, phoned to me the same day after my return from 
Katyn, and told me, "You are going to meet today the chief of the 
civilian fighting forces of the Polish underground," and that was Mr. 
Stefan Karbonski, who is today in America. Stefan Karbonski was 
the chief of the civilian defense, not in the passive meaning but the 
active meaning. 

In this oflice room of this bank director, my friend, I met him, and 
1 gave liim a verbal report, amout 2i/^ or 3 hours, about my visit in 

Mr. Flood. Did you ever piei)are a written ie])()rt for tlie Polish 
underground ? 

Mr. Skarzynski. No. We always avoided anything in writing. 

Mr. F'lood. Was there a liaison or a direct connection, or were they 
the same units, that is, the Polish underground, the Polish defense 
forces, and the London Fi-ee Polish Government? 

Mr. Skarzyxski. Tlie same. 

Mr. Flood. The same outfit? 

Mr. Skarzyxski. The same outfit. 

Mr. Flood. What was the difference, if there was a difference, be- 
tween the oral report you gave to the representative of the under- 
ground that day in your friend's banking oflice, and tlie report that 
you officially gave the Germans in writing? 

Mr. Skarzyx^^ski. The Germans we gave only the laconic eight 
j)oints; and to Karbonski I repeated what I told you today, perhaps 
in a little more detail, because I had -] hours' time. 

Mr, Flood. You reported to Karbonski, the undei-ground repre- 
sentative, evervthing you have told us thus far today, but not so much 

Mr. Skarzyxski. More detail, because I had more time, but nothing 

Mr. Flood. Exactly. In this report to the Germans you told me this 
morning that your conclusion was that from your observation it 
seemed tliat the Russinns had done the killing at Katyn, from the 
German report. 

Mr. Skarzyxski. It seemed that the killing was d(me on those dates. 

Mr. Flood. It seemed on those dates. What did you say to the chief 
of the underground or the underground representative with reference 
to that? Did you qualify it to him, or were you more decisive? 

Mr. Skarzyxski. I was more decisive. 

Mr. Flood. What did you say? 

Mv. Skarzyxski. My ])ersonal intimate conviction is that the Rus- 
sians did it. 

Ml-. Flood. Was that your conviction then? 

^Tr. Skarzyxski. It was. 

Mr. Flood. Did you so report to him then? 

Mr. Skarzynski. Yes. 


Mr. Flood. Is it your conviction now ? 

Mr. Skarzyxski. Yes. 

Mr. Flood. Has anything occurred between that day and this to 
change your opinion ? 

Mr. Skarzyxski. No. 

Chairman Maddex. Have you finished? 

Mr. Skarzyxski. Not yet. 

Mr. Flood. Just to emphasize it, wliat was your opinion ? I want 
that repeated. 

Mr. Skarzyxski. At the moment I came back from Katyn? 

Mr. Flood. Yes. 

Mr. Skarzyxski. My ])ersonal im])ression — it wasn't an opinion, 
because I couldn't dare have an opinion about a complicated thing 
such as a murder, but my personal impression was that the Russians 
did it, and that I repeated to Karbonski. It wasn't an opinion. It was 
an impi'ession. A ])erson could have been proven false. 

Mr. Maciirowicz. Has that im])ression been strengthened by any- 
thing since then? 

Mr. Skarzyxski. Yes; many things. 

Mr. Maciirowicz. Now. would you consider that your considered 
opinion ? 

Mr. Skarzyxski. Definitel}': my conviction. 

I forgot to tell yon one very important thing. When I was at the' 
Katyn graves, I asked the German officers how could they imagine 
that there are 11,000 corpses there when 1 saw, out of the seven graves, 
I thought something between four and six thousand. The Germans 
told me very naively, "Yes; we know there are more than that here, 
because we multiplied the coefficient of the density of the bodies in 
the graves by the whole area which yon see here, and that is how we 
get the 11,000." 

That was, of course, nonsense, because they wanted the figure 11,000, 
knowing there are about 11,000 officers in Russia. They discovered 
the graves of the officers, and they wanted to make the propaganda 
stoi*y a bigger one, and they launched the figure of 11,000. 

Mr. Flood. Of course, you know, and it has been indicated on the 
record of the committee by several reputable witnesses at other hear- 
ings, that the number of Polish officers moved from Kozielsk coincides 
almost exactly with the number of bodies found at Katyn. 

Mr. Skarzyxski. Exactly. 

Mr. Flood. The number at Starobielsk and the other camps was 
not an issue at Katyn, at least so far. 

Mr. Skarzyxski. Not at Katyn 

Mr. Flood. Let me ask you one moi'e question. Why did you tell 
the Germans one story and the Russians the other, with reference 
to the decisiveness of your conclusion ? 

Mr. Skarzyxski. The Russians ? I never told the Russians. 

Mr. Flood. I beg your pardon, the Free Poles. You told the Free 
Poles one story with decisiveness, and you told the German a watered- 
down version of it. 

Mr. Sk^vrzyxski. Yes ; and we continued to tell that to the Germans, 
because we didn't want the Germans to have the impression that we 
joined them in their opinion. As long as we could, as long as the 
investigation wasn't finished — and it wasn't finished officially on 


tlie of September 10-t4, Avhen the (lei'mans retired from Poland — 
we always told the Germans "we don't know, becanse we did not 
finish the investigation," always with the same ])sycholo<rical intention 
not in the slif>htest to join the German propaganda and be canse to 
sign or to declar something according to German wishes. 

Mr. Mitchell. Yon just stated a few minutes ago that the (lermans 
knew that there were about 11,000 ofticers. How did they know? 

Mr. Skarz.nski. There was a conference between Germany and 
Russia in December 1940 in Cracow about the repatriation of the 
Poles under Russian domination. We didn't know what was the 
object of this conference, but after the confei-cnce we had been told 
to prepare the camps to receive the officers. We know that at tliat 
time Russia had the exact number. Russia had already three camps 
open. We are sure that the Germans knew it, and the proof of it 
is that Goebbels anonymously determined Katyn as the mass grave 
of all the officers which were in Russia, and lie stated 1 1,000. He must 
have known this figure. 

Chairman Madden. Any further questions? 

Mr. FuRCOLO. I want to ask you this, Mr. Witness: I understood 
you to say that in preparation for the officers that you expected to come 
back again, your group was preparing some camps in the expectation 
that they would return. 

Mr. Skarzynski. Yes. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. Then I understood you to say that in April or May 
or June of 1940, you were notified the camps of Kozielsk. Starobielslv^ 
and Ostashkov IukI been closed, and you were not to expect any 
officers back from Russia ? 

Mr. Skarzyxski. No. We were notified simply by the Gei-nuins 
that we have to close our reception camp. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. That was the Germans who said you should close 
yours ? 

Mr. Skarzynski. Yes. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. Tn other words, you never got any word from Russia 
in any way that they had closed their camps? 

Mr. Skarzynski. No. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. As part of your duties in the Red Cross, you learned 
that the families of these prisoners had been getting letters from them 
once a month, or something like that? 

Mr. Skarzynski. Yes. 

Mr, FuRCOLo. I am referring now to the prisoners in the camps 
at Kozielsk, Starozielsk, and Ostashkov. You did learn that those 
families had been getting letters from their menfolk who were pris- 
oners, at least in the latter part of 19;>9 and the first month or two of 

Mr. Skarzynski. Yes. 

Mr. FtTRcoLO. T am interested in finding out whethei- any of those 
families heard from any of the ]')risonors at any time after, say, April 
or May of 1940? Did you, in the course of your duties in the Red 
Cross, have occasion to be in touch with the families of those men 
sufficiently so that you can give us an answer to that? 

Mr. Skarzynski. Certaiidy. 

Mr. FuRCoLo. What would your answer be? 


Mr. Skarzynski. The answer -svould be that after June, the end 
'or May or June 1940, no more letters came from the three camps. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. As part of your duties, you naturally made it your 
business to inquire around amon^ij the families so you could be fairly 
certain of it ? 

Mr, Skarzynski. The families came to us asking us about the 
whereabouts of their dependents, and we could do nothing else but 
write to the International Committee of Red Crosses. We got the 
answer from the German Red Cross that if a man disappeared from 
one of the three camps, the only wa}^ to do is to write to the police 
authorities of the given nation, and many families wrote to the police 
authorities and received a letter back with a stamp, "Departed. All 
the men evacuated," or "His present address is unknown," or "The 
camp has been closed. Present address unknown." 

Chairman Madden. The hearing will recess for about 30 seconds. 

I wish to announce that the dean of the Congress has just come 
in the hearing room, Congressman Sabath. Congressman Sabath is 
the oldest man, in point of service, of any Member that ever sat in the 
House of Representatives in the history of the Nation. 

Forty-four j^ears, is it, Judge? 

Mr. Sabath. Forty-six years. 

Chairman Madden. And he does not look to be over 46 years old. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Since we have introduced Congressman Sabath, 
I think it would be fair to Congressman Sabath also to let it be known 
that it was to a great extent thanks to the assistance and guidance 
of Congressman Sabath that this committee was established by the 
Congi'ess. I think we should give proper credit to Congressman 
Sabath for his efforts to probe this Katyn massacre. [Applause.] 

Chairman Madden. I will say further that Congrf^ssman Sabath 
"w^as a great aid as chairman of the Rules Committee in passing the 
resolution which cleared the way for this investigation to get on the 
floor of the House. 

The hearing will now proceed. 

Mr. FiTRcoLO. Would it be fair to say, then, Mr. Witness, that in 
the course of your duties in the Red Cross, you came in contact with 
many hundreds of families of prisoners of the three camps I have 
mentioned who had been receiving mail from them in the latter l^art 
of 1939 and the first 2 or 3 months of 1940, but who, after April or 
JMay of 1940, no longer received correspondence from their menfolk? 

Mr. Skarzynski. That would be correct; except the contact wasn't 
personal between me and the families. It was just in exce])tional 
cases. It was betAveen the information bureau of the Polish Red 
Cross, with about 270 employees, and Ave created a lot of files about the 
woimded and missing men which would till this room. These files 
were all burned during the Warsaw riots. 

Mr. FrRCOLO. I had better preface this question by a very brief 
statement. Of course, as you know, we are trying as much as possible 
to document everything in this committee. The case tliat Ave make 
out eventually is going to be stronger in accordance Avith the degree 
of documentation we have. I want to ask you this question: In the 
course of my study into this matter, I haA^e many times come across 
ihe statement that immediately after the discoA'ery of the massacre, 


the Polish (Jovernnient asked tlie International Red Cross Committee 
to investifijate imi)artially, and that the German Government asked 
the International Eed Cross Committee to investipite impartially. 
For some reason, such an investigation was not held. The books and 
pa])ers and documents that I have read all practically unanimously 
indicate that the reason it was not held was because of the fact that 
the Soviet Government also would not participate in that recjuest. 

I asked former Ambassador Romer, when he was on the stand, 
Avhether or not such a request had been transmitted to the Interna- 
tional Red Cross Committee by the Polish (Government, and whetlier 
a similar request had been transmitted by the German Government, 
and the answer was, "Yes." I then inquired, as I have of othei- wit- 
nesses, whether or not the Russian Government had ever refused to 
join in makino; such a request. Up to this point we have not beew able 
to locate a witness who has been intimately enouoh connected with it 
to be able to tie it down that the Russian Government either did or 
did not. 

I wonder if you, as an official of the Polish Red Cross, and who was 
intimately associated with it, can help us on that point, because it is 
of vital importance. 

Mr. Skarzynski. A few days after my return we had knowledo;e of 
the fact — through, of course, the secret radio — that the Polish Gov- 
ermiient-in-exile sent a teleoram to Geneva asking for an interna- 
tional commission. The German Government didn't, because the 
German Government didn't want in this way indirectly to acknowledge 
the existence of the Polish Government-in-exile, and the German 
(iovernment wanted us, the Polish Red Cross, to send a telegram to 
Geneva, whose counterpart would be sent by the German Red Cross 
to Geneva. They avoided the government in order not indirectly to 
acknowledge the other one. 

We refused for a long time. We said, "We are not in a position to 
act for a nation or for a government. We are just the Polish Red 
Cross, a national association, a private association of the Red Cross, 
and we are not able to send a wire to Geneva." 

Theii they told us, "The Crerman Govermnent dichrt, but the German 
Red Cross did, so your way is open." 

Finally we had to give way. Again, we didn't send a telegram ask- 
ing for an investigation, which was not our role and not our right,, 
but we simply gave an extract of these eight points to Geneva. 

Three days afterwards we got a reply, which is in this same docu- 
ment, from the international committee. This reply stated that. "We 
have received already from two different sides the same demand, the 
same news about the discovery of Katyn. We are ready to send an 
Inteinational Commission, and the members of the Commission are 
already chosen, but according to a circular letter we sent to all bel- 
ligerent nations at the beginning of the war, in the first 2 weeks of 
the war, we are able to undertake the task of an investigation in our 
name, in the name of tlie International Committee of the Red Cfoss, 
only in the case of the agreement of all interested [)arties, and the 
agreement of Ru.ssia never came." 


Mr. F'uRCOLO. That is the point I want to get to. I want to find 
out definitely. Whatever preliminary steps may have been gone 
through, is it true that at some time or other shortly after the mas- 
sacre, the Germans, either through the Red Cross or their Government 
or some informal organization, and the Polish, either through their 
Red Cross or their Government or some informal organization, did 
ask for an impartial investigation through the cooperation of the 
International Red Cross Connnittee, but that the Russians either re- 
fused to ask for that or simply didn't join in the request which, because 
of this international situation that you have mentioned, in effect meant 
that there could not be any impartial, unbiased investigation by the 
International Red Cross Committee? 

Mr. ISk.\kzynski. That is exactly it. The Russians never asked to 
give access. Certainly they didn't give it. Or maybe there was a 
kind of a telegram from Geneva to Russia — but that only Geneva could 
tell you about — -and then refused by Russia. I couldn't tell you about 

Mr. FuRcoLO. Was it a situation such that in the absence of a re- 
quest from Russia for action by the International Red Cross Com- 
mittee, the International Red Cross Connnittee would not be able to 
take steps to make an impartial investigation? 

Mr. Skakzynski. It couldn't do it, according to its charter, with- 
out the agreement of all interested parties. 

Mr. FuRGOLO. It could not make an impartial investigation in ac- 
cordance with its charter without the agreement of all the interested 

JNIr. Skarzynski. That is right. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. And Russia and Germany were both interested par- 
ties in the sense that the circumstances showed that either one or the 
other was i-esponsible, is that right? 

Mr. Skarzyxski. Certainly", to a certain extent. 

Mr. FuRCOLo. The next step in the situation is that Russia, by not 
asking for one, in effect prevented any such impartial investigation? 

Mr. Skarzynski. Exactly. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. That is all I have. 

Mr. Flood. You told me that you left an investigating team of the 
Polish Red Cross on the field at Katyn under your orders. 

Mr. Skarzyxski. Yes. 

Mr. P'lood. Did that team of the Polish Red Cross ever make a re- 
port back to you ? 

Mr. Skarzyxski. Certainly. 

Mr. Flood. Do you have a copy of that report ? 

Mr. Skarzyxski. Yes. It is in there, too. 

Mr. Flood. Will you select from that document and have them 
marked as an exhibit, ^Ir. Mitchell, those pages of the document which 
constitute the report of the field team of the Polish Red Cross which 
made the investiaation at Katyn and reported back to Mr. Skarzynski? 
Will you show them to Mr. Machrowicz, Mr, Mitchell, and see if they 
are what the witness says they are, and if Mr. Machrowicz says they 
ai-e, will you have them translated and inserted in the record? 


(The pages referred to were marked ''Exhibit No. 8" and are as 

Exhibit No. 8 

[Translation from. Polish] 
C. Report of the Technical Commission on the Progress of M^orJc at Katyn 

The following is the text of this report : 

"On April 17, 1!)43, the Commission, provisionally composed of three persons, 
undertook the work, which was divided in the following way : 

1) Mr. Rojkiewiez Ludwik — examination of documents at the Secretariat of 
Field Police ; 

2) Messrs. Kolodzie.iski Stefan and Wodzinowski Jerzy — searching for and 
securing of documents found on the bodies in Katyu Forest. 

On this day, however, the work was interrupted because the delegation of 
Polish officers from German prison camps arrived. [They were :] 

1) Lieutenant Colonel Mossor Stefan, cavalry, Otlag II E/K No. 1449. 

2) Captain Cynkowski Stanislaw, Ollag II E/K No. 1272. 

3) Sub-Lieutenant Gostkowski Stanislaw, Oflag II D. No. 776/II/b. 

4) Captain Kleban Eugenjusz, Oflag II D: 

5) Sub-Lieutenant Rowinski Zhigniew, flier, Oflag II C. No. 1205/II/B, 

6) Captain Adamski Konstanty, armored division, Oflag II C. No. 902/XI/A. 
The members of the Polish Red Cross Commission had the to see the pits and 

documents jointly with the oflicers [who had arrived from German camps]. 
The behavior of the Polish ofKcers toward the Germans was full of reserve and 
dignity. During a short talk apart, they acknowledged with aiiparent satisfac- 
tion that the Polish Red Cross had imder taken the technical functions of the 
exhumation, separating itself entirely from political [work]. 

On April 19, the members of the Commission were trying to get in touch with. 
Lieutenant Slovenzik in order to settle the details of the operation. Since they 
had no means of transportation, these endeavors were unsuccessful. After 
waiting in vain until 14 o'clock on April 20, Mr. Ludwik Rojkiewiez went on foot 
to the Secretariat of the Field Police in order to get in touch with him. He turned 
back, however, having met a motorcar on the way, on which the members of the 
Polish Red Cross Commission, Messrs. Kassur Hugon, Jaworowski Gracjan, God- 
zik Adam, were riding. These members [of the Polish Red Cross] left Warsaw on 
April 39 at 12:15 o'clock, together with representatives of the foreign press 
composed of a Swede, a Finn, a Spaniard, a Belgian, a second Flemish Belgian,. 
an Italian, and a Czech, besides one Russian emigrant from Berlin and Professor 
Leon Kozlowski, former Prime Minister of the Polish Republic who lived there 
in Berlin, and three clerks frcmi the Berlin Division of Propaganda. 

Mr. Kassur assumed leadership of the Technical Commission of the Polish Red 
Cross. During conversations hnld on that day with Lieutenant Slovenzik, the 
following questions were raised : 

1 ) the quarters for the members of the Technical Commission ; 

2) the spot of the work ; 

3) the means of communication for the members of the Commission ; 

4) the organization of the work of the Commission ; 

5) the preserving of documents ; 

(!) the choice of a place for the new graves. 

Because of the distance from Katyn to Smolensk (14 km.) and to the lack of 
means of connnnnication, the members of the Commission were (luartered in a 
separate barrack in the village of Katyn, on the estate Borek, which was owned 
by a Pole, Mr. Lodnicki, before World War I. This estate was 3.5 km. away 
from Kozie Gory. At this time the field hospital of Todt's organization was 
located there. The members of the Commission remained on this estate until 
May 20, and from JNIay 21 to .lune 7, 1943 were quartered in the house attached 
to a village school near the station of Katyn. The members of the Commission 
were receiving food all day on the spot at the officers' mess of the Todt's organi- 
zation. The rations were of the sort assigned to the nearby front detachments. 
It should he noticed that this food was sufficient. 

Because of the lack of suitai)le accommodations in the forest, the work of 
taking out and examining the documents had by sheer necessity to be divided 
in such a way that the taking out of the documents and the reburial of the bodies 
was i)erformed on the spot, i. e., in the forest of Katyn. A preliminary exami- 


nation of the docunients was carried on at the headquarters of the Secretariat 
of the Secret Police a few kilometers away from the forest of Katyn in the 
direction of Smolensk. 

Lieutenant Slovenzik expressed liis opinion that the Polish Red Cross should 
hriiiK its own means of communication to Katyn. After the explanation that 
all the Polish Red Cross' automobiles were requisitioned long ago, this problem 
was solved in the following way: 

a) in order to get from the quartei-s to the forest of Katyn and back [the 
members of the Polish Red Cross Commission] were allowed to stop the military 
and private cars on the liighway ; 

b) a motorcycle was delivered to furnish transportation to the office of the- 
Secretariat of the Field Police. 

The work was divided in the following way : 

a ) one member for tlie exhumation of the bodies ; 

b) two members for searching the bodies and removing the documents; 

c) one member for examining the successive numbers of the bodies, which 
were then taken away to fraternal graves ; 

d) one member for the burial of the bodies ; 

e) two to three membei's for I'eading the documents ; 

f) since April 28, i. e., from the very moment of the arrival of the rest of 
the members of the Commission, ^Messrs. Wodzinski Marian. Cupryjak Stefan,, 
Mikolajczyk Jan, Ki-ol Franciszek, Bnczak Wladyslaw, Plonka Ferdynand, the 
doctor of forensic medicine Dr. Wodzinski and his assistants from the Krakow 
dissecting laboratory were performing examinations of the bodies not identified 
by means of documents. 

The procedure of the operation was as follows : 

a) the bodies were exhumed and laid upon the ground ; 

b ) documents were removed ; 

c) a doctor performed an examination of the bodies which were not identified; 

d) the bodies were buried. 

The work used to last from 8 o'clock to IS o'clock every day, with one and 
a half hour for lunch. 

The Commission states that the exhumation of the bodies has met with great 
difficulties. The bodies were pressed, [having been] chaotically thrown into 
the pits. Some bodies had their hands bound behind. The heads of some bodies 
were wrapped in overcoats, which were bound about the neck with a string. 
The hands were also bound at the hack, in such a manner that the string was 
attached to the string tightening the overcoat at the neck. The bodies bound 
in this way were found mainly in one special pit which was inundated by 
subterranean water. The victims were extracted from this pit exclusively by 
members of the Commission. The German military authorities, because of the 
difficult working conditions, intended to refill this pit with earth. 

In one pit there were found about 60!) bodies laid face downward in layers. 

The lack of sufficient number of rubber gloves caused great difficulty [in the 

The exhumation of the bodies was being performed by the local inhabitants, 
who were driven to work by the German authorities. The bodies carried out 
from the pits on the stretchers wei'e laid one beside another. Then the work 
of searching for documents began, in such a way that each body was searched 
individually, in the presence of one of the members of the Polish Red Cross 
Commission. The workers unstitched all the pockets, pulled out their contents, 
and handed over all articles thus found to the member of the Polish Red Cross 
Commission. The documents and the articles were placed in envelopes marked 
with a successive number. The same number was impressed on a small plate and 
fixed to the bodies. Boots and even linen were unstitched in order to search for 
documents in a more thorough manner. 

(Translated by: Dr. Peter Sieflanowicz. Supervised by Dr. Vladimir 
Gsovski, Chief, Foreign Law Section, Law Library, Library of Congress, 
May 14, 1952. ) 
If no documents or soiivenirs were found, monograms (if any) were cut from 
the clothing or underwear. 

Members of the Commission charged with the collection of documents had no 
right to examine or separate them ; their duty was limited to placing in envelopes 
the following objects : 

a) wallets with their contents, 

b) all loose papers, 

c) [military] decorations and souvenirs. 


d) religious medallions and crosses, 

e) one epaulette [from each body] 

f ) change purses 

g) all valuable objects. 

They were instructed to remove loose Polish banknotes, papers, coins, tobacco 
pouches, cigarette paper, wooden or tin cigarette cases. These instructions were 
issued by the German authorities so as not to overload the envelopes. The 
envelopes so prepared were tied with string or wire, numbered consecutively, 
and placed on a special table. They were handed over to the German authorities, 
who sent them twice daily by motorcycle runner to the Military Police Secretariat. 
If an envelope could not hold all the documents, another with the same number 
was used. 

At the office of the Military Police Secretariat documents brought in by the 
motorcycle runner were taken over by the German authorities. The preliminary 
investigations and the ascertaining of names were done .jointly by three Germans 
and representatives of the Technical Commission of the Polish Red Cross. The 
envelopes were opened in the presence of Poles and Germans. Documents found 
on the bodies had to be carefully separated with small wooden sticks from dirt, 
rotted matter, and fat. 

First, documents were sought which would establish beyond doubt the identity 
of the victim. Identity was established on the basis of identity tags, identity 
cai'ds, service cards, mobilization cards, even inoculation certiticates issued in 
Kozielsk. In the absence of these, other documents were examined such as cor- 
respondence, visiting cards, notebooks, notes, etc. Wallets and purses contain- 
ing Polish National Bank banknotes and coins were burned, and foreign currency, 
except Russian, and all gold coins and objects were deposited in the envelopes. 
Names which had been established and the contents of the envelopes were 
described by one of the Germans on separate sheets of paper in German, and the 
original numeration was maintained. The Commission gives the following 
explanaticm why the initial lists were only in German. Namely, the German 
■authorities declared that they would immediately dispatch lists of the names 
to the Polish Red Cross as well as the documents after they were used. The 
iCommissiou saw no reason to prepare a second list, especially since in the 
initial stage the personnel of the Commission was very small. If there were 
difficulties in establishing personal data, the iiotaticm '"not recognized" was en- 
tered under the corresponding number, and documents discovered were listed. 
Such documents were sent by the Gernian authorities to a special chemical labor- 
atory for a detailed examination. [Tliere.] when a positive result was achieved, 
the name of the victim was noted under the same number but on a separate list. 
It must be stated, however, that corpses without documents or souvenirs were 
present among tlie victims also. These were also given a number and a notation 
of "not recognized" was entered. 

After the contents of an envelope were noted on a sheet of paper, all documents 
and objects \^■ere put into a new envelope under the same number, (m which its 
contents were noted. This was the duty of the German members. Envelopes 
examined, separated, and numbered in this way were put into packing cases. 
They were placed at the exclusive disposal of the Gei-man authorities. Lists, 
typed in German, could not be checked by the Commission with the manuscript 
because it was not at the Commission's disposal. This system was followed 
from number 0421 to lunnber 0704 in the presence of Mr. Ludwig Rojkiewicz. 
During the Identification of numbers from 0705 to 03000 Messrs. Stefan Cupryjak, 
(Jracjan .laworowslvi, and Jan ;\Iil<olajczyk were px"e.sent. The working method 
(if the above-mentioned was almost i<lentical with this difference, however, 
that they prepared their lists in Polisli, which as occasion arose were sent to 
the Headtpiarters of the Polish Red Cross. From nundier OoOOl to 04248 Mr. 
Jerzy Wodzinowski was present, and the same procedure was maintained. 
Identification of bodies numbered 1 to 112 and 01 to 0420 was performed exclu- 
sively by Germans before the Polish Red Cross Conunission arrived. The Com- 
mission stiit<'s that (hu'ing the examination of documents, diaries, army orders, 
some correspoudenci". etc.. were remov(Ml by the (German authorities for trans- 
lation into German. 'I'he Conunission is unabl(> to state whether such documents 
were retumed and jilaced in their corresponding- envelopes. 

During the woriv of the Technical Commission of the Polish Red in the 
Katyn forest, in the period from April IH to June 7, 1043, 4,243 bodies were ex- 
luiined. (4f these, 4.233 were taken out of 7 excavations placed clo.sely together, 
wliich were discovered by CJerman Army authorities in March 1043. The eighth 
grave was found on June 2, 1943, and only 10 botlies were removed from it. Tliey 


were buried in the No. 6 grave, wliich was still open at that time. German 
authorities stopped exhumation work from the summer until September, and the 
eighth grave after the exhumation of the ten bodies was covered up again. 

Careful soundings by the Germans in the entire area were made for they were 
anxious that there should be little discrepancy between the announced figure of 
10,000 to 12,000 victims and the reality. It is reasonable to suppose, therefore, 
that no more gi'aves will be discovered. In grave No. 8, judging by its dimensions, 
the number of bodies should not exceed a few hundred. Soundings in the area 
have discovered several mass graves containing Russian bodies in varying degrees 
of decomposition. 

All 4,241 exhumed bodies were reburied in six new graves which were dug in 
the vicinity of the murder graves. The only exception was made for the bodies of 
two generals, who were buried in two separate graves. The ground on both sides 
of the new graves is low and wet but the graves themselves are in an elevated 
and sandy location. The size and depth of these gi-aves are unequal owing to 
local and technical conditions eneovmtered during the work. The bottoms of all 
graves are dry, and each grave contains, depending on its size and depth, several 
groups of bodies, each group placed in several layers. Upper layers were placed 
at least one meter below the surface so that after the graves were covered with a 
mound one meter above the ground, upper layers are covered with two meters 
of earth. All graves have a flat surface, sides covered with sod. On each grave 
a cross two and a half meters high was placed, under which some forest flowers 
were planted. On the surface of each grave a cross of sod was placed. The 
graves are numbered as they were made in order to maintain the order of the 
numbered bodies. Bodies were placed in the graves with heads towards the east, 
one close to the other, heads slightly elevated, hands crossed. Each layer of 
bodies was covered with 20 to 30 centimeters of earth. In graves No. I, II, III, 
and IV the bodies were placed starting from the right side as they were brought 
in from the left side. The list of bodies placed in each grave is enclosed with 
this report as well as a map of the burial site, which covers an area of 60 X 36 
meters, i. e., 2,160 square meters. 

On the day the last members of the Technical Commission of the Polish Red 
Cross left Katyn, they placed on the dominating cross of grave No. IV a large 
metal wreath made from sheet iron and barbed wire by one of the members of 
the Commission. This wreath, although made by hand and under field condi- 
tions, is of esthetic form and painted black ; there is a thorn crown of barbed 
wire in the center with an eagle badge of solid metal from an officer's cap affixed 
to the cross. After placing the wreath, the members of the Commission honored 
the memory of the victims, standing in silence and saying a prayer ; then took 
leave of them in the name of the Nation, their families, and themselves. The 
Commission thanked Lt. Slovendzik, 2nd Lt. Voss of the German military police, 
noncoms, enlisted men, and Russian workers for two months of very heavy 
exhumation work. 

The Commission summarized its findings as follows : 

1. Bodies exhumed from the graves were in a state of decomposition, and direct 
identification was impossible. Uniforms, however, in particular all metal parts, 
badges of rank, decorations, eagle badges, buttons, etc. were in a good state of 

2. Death was caused by a shot in the base of the skull. 

3. From the documents found on the bodies it appears that the murders took 
place in the period from the end of March to the beginning of May 1940. 

4. The work at Katyn was under the constant supervision of the German 
authorities, who always detailed a guard to each group of the Commission at 

5. All work was performed by the members of the Technical Commission of 
the Polish Red Cross, the German authorities, and inhabitants of local villages, 
numbering 20 to 30 persons. Some .50 Soviet prisoners detailed daily were used 
exclusively to dig and cover the burial graves and in leveling the ground. 

6. General working conditions were difficult and nerve racking. Decomposi- 
tion of the bodies and the polluted air contributed to the difficulty of the work. 

7. The frequent arrival of various delegations, the daily visits to the area by 
a considerable number of military personnel, dissection of the bodies by German 
doctors and the members of the various delegations, made the work still more 

Dr. Hugo Kassur, the leader of the Technical Commission, was unable to return 
to Katyn after his departure on May 12, 1943, and his duties till the end of 
the work were taken over by Mr. Jerzy Wodzinowski. 

93744— 52— pt. 3 14 


The Commission states finally that the requirements of German propajranda 
were a serious obstacle in its work. As nmch as two days before the arrival of a 
more important delegation work was slowed, and only 7 to 10 workers were 
detailed, the official explanation being that local inhabitants had failed to appear 
in spite of orders issued. 

When professors of medicine from Germany or other states co-operating with 
the Axis, were scheduled to come, the botlies of higher officers or bodies which 
in addition to the bullet marks bore also marks of bayonnetting or had their 
hands tied were reserved for them. Numerous intercessions of the Commission's 
leader were not respected. No attention was paid to the task of the Commission, 
and during the burial of bodies in the second grave gaps occurred in the numera- 
tion of bodies. Dissection of bodies by foreign professors took place without 
being co-ordinated with the work of the Commission, which in some cases made 
identification difficult. In order to avoid major complications in its work, the 
Commission was forced quite often to disregard German instructions which re- 
served certain bodies for other purjKtses. 

German troops from the central sector of the front received an order to visit 
Katyn. Hundreds of persons visited the site of the crime daily. Through the 
Commission's intervention ^^^iting was limited to a few hours daily, and military 
police were detailed to maij'tain order. 

A few words of explanatf to this report : 

I have already mentione<i the fact of German supervision. On one occasion 
IMr. Cupryjak, a member of the Commission, was ordered to show notes made 
in his notebook while examining the documents. 

An incident which occurred between Mr. Kassur and Lt. Slovenezik cannot 
be omitted. On one occasion he came to us and declared that German authorities 
were informed that some of the Polish officers were of German origin or "Volks- 
flentschc." He demanded that they should be buried .separately or at least in 
a dominating position in burial graves. He was given the answer that all 
murder victims were Polish officers, that it was impossible to determine their 
nationality, and that 

(Translated by Dr. K. Grzybowski, Supervised by Dr. Y. Gsovski, Chief 
Foreign Law Section Law Library, Library of Congress May 14, 1953.) 

Chairman Madden. Are there any further questions? 

Mr. Machrowicz. Just one question to clear the record. 

Witness, did you appear before this committee voluntarily? 

Mr. Skarzynski. Yes. 

Mr. Machroavicz. Will you explain how you made connections with 
the committee to appear, and how it happened that you are here today? 

Mr. Skarzynski. I got the first letter from ]Mr. Eomer, who told 
me that Mr. Mitchell was investigating this matter, and that they 
decided together, Mr. Mitchell as the counsel for the committee and 
Mr. Homer as a man who knew the Poles who were at Katyn, to ask 
from Canada these three or four Poles, of which I am one. 

Mr. Machrowicz. In other words, what you want to tell us is that 
you appear before this committee through the intercession of Ambas- 
sador Komer as a voluntary witness? 

JNIr. Skarzynski. And then I got a letter from Mr. Mitchell, in 
the record already, to which I answered, of course, positively. 

Chairman Madden. Any further questions? 

Mr. Skarzynski. I didn't finish, sir, I am sorry. 

Chairman Madden. Do you have something further to add? 

Mr. Skarzynski. When we came back to AVarsaw, we had to organ- 
ize the whole commission. We want you to understand how this 
Avork was done. We sent nine more men to Katyn. We increased the 
members of the commission from 3 to 12. The work Avas such, accord- 
ing to our instructions, that 1 man was present at the exhumation 
Avhich was done daily by 20 to 30 Russian civilians <2:iven bv the 


German Army. This man gave an indication of how to cut the 
pockets and how to extract the documents. They cut even the under- 
wear and cut even the boots to see if tliere were any documents in 
the boots. He handed the documents, lookino- at them only just 
quickly, to another member who put them all in an envelope, a wired 
envelope, and a third member put the same number on the envelope 
as on the body. A fourth was supervising the burial in the new 
graves. Three or four members were always present at the police 
station where the documents were stored, and where twice a day a 
German motorcycle brought these envelopes over. There they were 
received b}' Dr. Buhtz, our three crewmen, and, of course, some Ger- 
mans. The documents were there cleaned of fat, blood, and dirt, by 
small sticks of wood. Those which Avere legible were put into new 
envelopes with numbers, and tlie name of the officer put on the official 
list with the numbers of all objects or documents'found on him. Those; 
who were not identified were sent to the labt^^ratory of Dr. Buhtz. 
who sometimes succeeded in reading the name ^of the man, thanks t<» 
special tools and instruments he had. 

So, slowly, the first official list of the victims was built up. These 
documents and the documents which went straight through up to the 
box, or which Avent through the laboratory, with the same number, 
were all placed in boxes. Those boxes were received at the end of 
the exhumation from the Germans, and on these boxes Ave started 
the proper and scientific medical-legal Avork on the date of the murder. 
This medical-legal Avork Ave divided in tAvo parts : First, the Avork of 
identification, to increase the number of identified officers. The second 
part Avas to try to knoAv avIio Avas the murderer. 

In this last part, the documents and 22 diaries AAdiich Avere found on 
the bodies, in all, -22 of them, of Avhich I read all of them, Avere a big 
help for the identifying of a number of them, the date of their de- 
parture from Kozielsk, and the date of their arrivals in GniezdoA^o. 

Mr. Flood. Your conclusions Avere reached from ho pathological 
examination, but from an examination of documents, and so forth? 

Mr. Skarzyxski. That is right. These 22 diaries Avere, of course, 
very interesting, although tragic to read. One of them had a note 
which Avas nearest death. There was another one by a coroner 
whose name I don't remember, avIio wrote that a party of Polish officers 
left Smolensk in a railway car. "We left this morning,*' he said, "and 
unhap])ily the sky is cloudy and Ave cannot see the direction, which is 
very important for us. A moment later, Ave are stopped at a station 
called Gniezdovo. I suppose Ave are to be unloaded here, because there 
are some militiary Russians on the platform." 

Mr. Flood. Hoav far is this Gniezdovo station from Smolensk? 

Mr. Skarzyxski. I should say about a mile and a half or two miles. 

Mr. FuRcoLo. That last diary from Avhicli you quoted also pointed 
out — did it not? — that he could see some of the prisoners being 

Mr. Skarzyxskl No. That is another one. That is a man who I 
met in London and Avhom the committee certainly Avill hear. I won't 
interfere with that. 

Mr. Mitchell. Where are these documents today; do you know? 

Mr. Skarzynski. The story about the documents is absolutely a 
movie story. The prosectorium — that means the anatomical depart- 


ment of the university — under the care of a specialist, a Polish spe- 
cialist like Dr. Bulitz, the German specialist, the best specialist, Dr. 
Albricht, was already then in the camp of Dachau, together with all 
the university professors from the University of Cracow, who had 
been sent to the concentration camps by the Germans. There was first 
a lecture, and then from this lecture were sent to a concentration camp. 
He assisted; a very capable man, too. According to the deal we made 
with him, he was to do as quickly as possible the investigation work 
as to the authors of the murder, and as slowly as possible the official 
investigation in identification work, not to force us to give the Germans 
the completed work, because we thought they were not the judges to 
receive the result of our work. We succeeded not to give it to them. 

These documents and these envelopes were in nine huge boxes which 
were — I remember one of them which was about 1 yard and a half to 1 
yard and three-quarters in length, about 2 feet wide, about 3 feet high. 
There were nine of them containing these 22 diaries. The nine boxes 
were numbered. We were afraid that these diaries came there by 
mistake, and that the Germans wanted to keep them, because they were 
full of anti-German implications. But the Germans didn't mind. 
They gave it to us. 

We told the doctor to start at once the one part of this work, the 
statement of the murder, and that he finished, and he told us. We 
didn't know then exactly what maybe the London government knew 
already, the exact number and the exact names of the officers in 
Kozielsk; but he told us that, out of his scientific researches and out 
of at least the identified officers. I know that in Kozielsk there must 
be a little less than 5,000 officers, and not more ; and I suppose that the 
unidentified names which we noted can simply be replaced b}' any 
name of an officer who was in Kozielsk. The whole of Kozielsk is dead. 

One very important detail is that we were, of course, interested in 
digging in this meadow in the forest of Katyn to find if there are more 
graves than seven, which is the number which the Germans incidentally 
discovered in just one spot, one very near to the other. But the 
Germans were more interested than we were, because they put this 
figure of 11,000, and during the 2 months our crew was in Katyn the 
Germans sent every day about 50 Russian prisoners of war who did 
nothing else but work at the new graves and dig all around to look for 
an eighth or a ninth grave, different graves. 

Chairman Madden. In other words, the Germans were very inter- 
ested in making all the excavations possible to see if they could find 
any further graves or mass graves ? 

Mr. Skarzynski. That is right. 

On the 2d of June, at the moment when the seven graves were already 
all empty, when one of the six new graves was still open and a row 
of corpses still lying to be put in the new graves — we had dirt between 
all the layers and between all the rows — the Germans found an eight 
grave about 200 yai'ds away from the first seven ones. They oj^ened 
this grave, and they made some digging alougside, and we stated 
witli tlieni that these graves may contain about 100 to 200 bodies. 

Mr. Maciirowicz. In connection with this eighth grave, is that the 
grave which was reported to have the bodies of' Russians buried prior 
to 19;50, or do you know of any such graved 

Mr. Skarzynski. No. These graves wei'e discovei-ed by the Ger- 
mans during their work, all kinds of graves. 


Mr. Machrowicz. Do you know of any grave that was uncovered 
there whicli contained bodies which had obviously been there longer 
than a few jenvs ? 

JNIr. Skarzynski. The members of ovir crew told me that, in this 
work of the Germans in looking for Polish graves, they were all the 
time finding some Russian graves in an old state of decomposition, 
skeletons included. 

Mr. Machrow^icz. What I want to point out is a fact which I think 
has not been very frequently publicized : namely, at this very place 
of Katyn, there were graves found which indicated that Katyn had 
been used as a burial place for Russians even prior to 1939. 

Mr. Skarzyxski. According to the reports given by the press, that 
is right in this case ; exactly. 

Mr. Sheehax. Dr. Miloslavich reported that yesterday. 

Mr. Skarzyxski. As our crew was ready and busy at filling these 
last graves, they started at once to take bodies from this eighth grave. 
They took eight of them. Then the Germans came. Lieutenant Slo- 
vencik, obviously following orders, told our men that we had to stop 
the work ; that in June it is too hot to make any important exhumation 
work; that it is dangerous for the sanitary conditions of the army, 
and that we had to recover this eighth grave and go home and start 
work again in the fall of the year. So, it was that we exhumed 4,233 
bodies out of seven graves, plus 10 bodies out of the eighth grave, 
and that we left undiscovered, unexhumed, about 290 bodies in the 
eighth grave. 

Mr. Flood. I want to protect the record here with just an incident. 
At the time I asked you if the task force that you left at the field at 
Katyn had made a report to you, j^ou said "Yes." There were only 
three men there at the time you left Katyn? 

Mr. Skarzyxski. Yes, sir. 

i\Ir. Flood. Subsequently, you sent others back, as you later told us. 
The report that I have just placed in the record, the report from your 
task force in the field, the "crew,'' as you called it, made to the Polish 
Red Cross at Warsaw, was composed of those three originals plus 
others ? 

Mr. Skarzyxski. Plus others. 

Mr. Flood. How many others ? 

Mr. Skarzyxski. Nine others, and three came back in the mean- 

Mr. Flood. So, there were more than the tliree; all right. 

Did that task force, when it reported to you at Warsaw, make any 
conclusions as to the approximate date of the burial ? 

Mr. Skarzyxski. They reported that during the whole work — the 
main instruction I gave them and we gave them — during the whole 
work they never found a document or newspaper with a date anterior 
to April 1940. 

Mr. Flood. I want you to use a different word than "anterior." 

Mr. Skarzyxski. After — after April or May 1940. 

Mr. Flood. I know the report will speak for itself; but to empha- 
size "it, you say that that report of the Polish Red Cross task force 
so states ? 

Mr. Skarzyxski. So states. They gave me this report when they 
came back. The last men left on the*^ 11th and 12th and came to War- 
saw and then made the report. 


Mr. Flood. Do I iiiul(M-staiul that your Polisli Red Cross task force 
liad the full and complete cooperation of the (lernums at all times? 

Mr. Skarzyxski. There was st)me friction, of course. 

Mr. Flood. I mean outside of that. 

Mr. Skarzyxski. They had the full cooperation. 

Mr. Flood. AVere there any fears or threats, or intimidation of any 
kind, made that would in any way intimidate them ( 

Mr. Skarzyxskt. No. The characteristic thin<z was that I expected 
that these men near the front line would be guarded by armed guards 
and followed by the guards everywhere, but these men were working in 
a village about li/^ miles from the graves. They had the right to stop 
any German motorcar on the highway, and that is the way that they 
came to the work, and that is the way they went back, without any 
escort. On Sundays they were free, and they were talking to the 
peasants, certainly without any pi-esence of Germans. This talk 
Avith the peasants confirmed it. 

Mr. Flood. Has any meuiber of the Polish Red Cross at that time, 
or any member of the task force which filed that rep(n't, repudiated 
that report or its contents in any way since, that you know of? 

Mr. Skarzyxskt. Not up to now. 

Mr. Mitchell. I don't believe you answered my question as to 
where thase documents in those nine cases are today. 

Mr. Skarzyxski. I was interrupted. Those documents were in 
these huge boxes, as I told you ; and when the Russian Army ap- 
])roached Poland Ave, who maybe up to now believed that the Allies 
would stop the war before Russia had the heart of Euro])e — when we 
saw them approaching, we thought that the fate of the documents 
was in danger, and we — not 'Sve," but our man — there was no con- 
nection then betw'een Warsaw and Krakow — our chief officer of the 
Red Cross in Krakow, who was a man of the Intelligence Service and 
a very capable man, decided to hide these documents in a lake. He 
succeeded in bringing copies of these boxes, boxes of the same dimen- 
sions, into the department where the original boxes were, but these 
boxes were filled with tin inside, with tin lids, and he had the intention 
to transport these documents from the original boxes into new ones, 
to seal hei-nietically the lid, to put some stones inside, and either by 
I'use or by force, wdiich was very often done with the underground 
forces, enter this laboratory, which was surrounded by the SS bar- 
racks, and to bring these boxes to a lake. He was partly successful, 
because he had these ucav boxes in and he started to put the papers into 
the neAv boxes; and then, through the indisci-etion of a physical worker, 
absolutely incidental, of this department, the (leruians had knowledge 
of it. It was ali-eady near the end of the Geinian domination of 
Poland. They sent a special detachment of SS soldiers, and made no 
punishuient, no repression then. It was too late already for them. 
They just hurriedly took these boxes into a truck and, together with a 
doctor who was the chief of the medical-legal department from the 
German side, these two cars went Avest. This doctor broke his leg and 
came back to KrakoAV to a hospital. We only kneAV the detachment 
Avent Avest, but our officer knew that they Avere going ahead to Bres- 
lau. Of course, he couldn't move then. 


When the Russian Army took BresLiu and when the Eiissian Armies 
already had the whole of the Russian occupation zone in Germany, 
our man followed to Breslau and he found out that these German 
trucks came to Breslau, and the boxes were unloaded on the first floor 
of the Breslau University. The smell of the boxes was such that the 
whole floor was filled with the smell, and they were there until the 
moment when the Russians had already surrounded Breslau from 
three sides. The sick doctor was already there in Breslau, too, after 
the recovery of his leg. 

Then, at the last moment, a detachment of SS came from the west, 
loaded these boxes, and disappeared westward with the doctor. 

Our man made an inquiry throug'h the union of doctors in Russian- 
occupied Germany whether this doctor was there, and he received 
the answer that the doctor was not to be found in the Russian-occupied 
zone, which can lead us to the conclusion that the Germans taking 
these documents westward didn't stop on the Elbe near the center 
of Germany, but probably hied it west into safety. These documents 
must be somewhere, if they are not destroyed, in the German occupa- 
tion zone. 

Chairman Madden. But nobody knows where the boxes are now ^ 

Mr. Skarzynski. We don't know where the boxes are now. There 
are three possibilities : They could have been dumped on the way ; 
they could be found by the Allies ; they could be in the hands of the 

Chairman Madden. Are there any further questions? 

Mr. Skarzynski, I want to say that this committee has heard a great 
number of witnesses, and your testimony has been highly valuable. 
I speak in behalf of the committee when I say that the work and the 
sacriflce and the time that 3'ou spent in this Red Cross work and in 
your investigations have been a contribution that I know the future 
will treasure very highly. 

In coming down here to spend this time before this committee you 
have made a major contribution to the cause of liberty. On behalf 
of the committee and on behalf of the United States Congress, I want 
to thank you. 

Mr. Skarzynski. Thank you very much, gentlemen. I considered 
it simply my duty. 

Chairman Madden. We will have a o-minute recess. 

(Short recess.) 

Chairman Madden. Let me make this announcement : The colonel 
has graciously consented to have the cameras, and before the hearings 
start the photographers can take their photographs. So, if there are 
any photographers here who desire to have photographs, they can 
take them now before the hearing starts. 

(Off the record.) 

Chairman Madden. The next witness is Colonel Szymanski. If you 
will stand up and be sworn, please. Do you solemnly swear that the 
testimony you will give in the hearing now about to be held will be 
the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Colonel Szymanski. I do. 

Chairman Madden. Colonel, you can either sit down or stand up, 
whichever way is most convenient for you. 



Mr. Mitchell. Colonel, where were you born ? 

Mr, ]\Iachrowicz. I think you should identify Counselor Fred 
Korth, of the Army Department. 

Mr. KoRTH. It is on the record, sir. 

Mr. INIachrowicz. Mr. Fred Korth is here representing the Depart- 
ment of the Army. 

Mr. KoRTH. Right, sir. 

Mr. Mitchell. Will you state your full name, please. Colonel? 

Chairman Madden. I might make this statement: that Colonel 
Szymanski is now in the military service, and Fred Korth is here 
representing the Department of the Army in company with the colonel. 

Mr. Mitchell. Will you state your full name. Colonel? 

Colonel Szymanski. Henry Szymanski, colonel. Infantry, United 
States Army. 

Mr. Mitchell. What is the date of your birth ? 

Colonel Szymanski. July 4, 1898. 

Mr. Mitchell. Where were you born ? 

Colonel Szymanski. Chicago, 111. 

Mr. Mitchell. Where did ^'ou go to grammar school? 

Colonel Szymanski. Chicago. 

]\fr. Mitchell. Did you attend the Military Academj^ at West 

Colonel Szymanski. I am a graduate, class of 1919. 

Mr. Mitchell. How were you appointed to the Academy? 

Colonel Szymanski. By Congressman Gallagher of the Eighth 
District of Chicago. 

Mr. Mitchell. Where were you immediately assigned before the 
United States entered World War II? 

Colonel Szymanski. Thirty-third Infantry Division, Camp Forrest, 

Mr. Mitchell. Colonel, do you prefer to tell the committee your 
experiences during World War II straight through and then have 
cross-examination at a later moment, or how do you prefer to have it 

Chairman Madden. I might say. Colonel, that it is the practice of 
the committee to allow the witness to pursue the method which he 
thiuks best to present his testimony. If you desire to make a general 
summary of your testimony, you may do so. If you desire to have 
tlie members of the committee interrupt you occasionally, we will 
follow that procedure. 

Colonel Szymanski. I will give a narrative summary. 

Mr. Mitchell. Will you proceed, Colonel ? 

Colonel Szymanski. In Jaiiuary 1942 I received orders to report to 
Washington for orientation as an intelligence officer. I spent approxi- 
mately a month and a half in Washington and left with orders as a 
milit^ary intelligence officer with assigiunant as assistant military at- 
tache, Cairo, Egypt, specilically as the liaison officer to the Polish 
and Czechoslovakian forces in the Middle East. My verbal instruc- 
tions were to join the Polish Army then being organized in Russia. 


1 Avas informed that I would get my visa when I got to Tehran. I 
arriA^ed in Cairo about mid-April, reported to the military attache, and 
proceeded immediately to make contact with the Poles. 

I arrived there shortly after the first evacuation of the Poles out of 
Russia, so made my contact with the Poles, and joined whatever rem- 
nants there were of the Poles in Palestine, with headquarters in Re- 
hovot. From then on I traveled considerably between Cairo, Pales- 
tine, and Iran, awaiting, shall we say, the second evacuation of the 
Poles which was anticipated daily, a large number at that. 

In May 1942 I met General Anders, who then had just arrived 
from Russia, and received perhaps the first information on the Polish 
troops in Russia. It was then that I heard for the first time, among 
other things, about the size of the Polish Army, the hopes and also the 
disappearance of a large number of the armed forces, particularly 
officers and noncommissioned officers. I stayed in Iran a considerable 
length of time because the second evacuation was expected momen- 
tarily. During my stay there I acted in whatever capacity I could 
to extend American help to the Poles. I also performed such func- 
tions as interpreter for Americans who had arrived there. Among 
them was Mr. Willkie, who was on his way to Russia. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You mean Wendell Willkie? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

General Scott of the American Army, several correspondents who 
came out of Moscow for a breather in Tehran. Then finally, I ar- 
rived at Pahlevi, which is on the Caspian Sea, where the Poles began 
arriving in large numbers from Krasnovodsk, which is slightly north- 
east from Pahlevi. It was then that I saw for the first time the 
miserable condition of the Poles arriving out of Russia. I stayed 
throughout the evacuation when some 80,000 arrived. Among them 
were quite a number of civilians, including children. 

Then sometime in September I was called to Washington to make 
a report on my observations and was directed to proceed by way of 
London to tie in wdiatever information I could get. In London I 
talked with the British War Office, with General Eisenhower's head- 
quarters, which was then formed, Avith officials of the Polish Gov- 
ernment, that is. President Raczkiewicz, General Sikorski, then Pre- 
mier of Poland, almost all the members of the general staff, also 
with President Benes and his staff. I wish to remind you again that 
I was liaison officer with the Czechoslovakian Army as well as with 
the Polish Army. 

I might say now that I never did get to Russia because I could not 
get a visa. Meanwhile I waited in Iran, and the Poles came to me 
instead of my going to the Poles. When I tied in all the information, 
I finally arrived in Washington sometime in the early part of No- 
vember 1942, and made several reports to G-2. I spent the entire 
month of November because I had a good-sized field to cover. 

"WHien I finished I turned all the reports over to G-2, then left for 
the Middle East by way of England to again tie in the work I was 
doing and continued with my activities with the Poles in the Middle 
East, traveling considerably until we got to a point where the Poles 
were getting ready to be prepared for action. 

They were then stationed in Iraq, not far from Mosul and Khana- 
qin. On one of my trips to Cairo, which was April 1943, I was called 


in by General Brereton, who was then commandino; general of the 
Middle East, and was shown a directive which came from Washington 
directing that I make an investigation of the Katyn atfair. 

I proceeded first to Palestine and then Iraq, and General Anders, 
commanding general of the Polish forces, made everything available 
to me of the documents and whatever personnel he had who had any 
information concei-ning the disappearance of the Polish officers and 
noncommissioned officers in Kussia. Captain Czapski and Captain 
Mlynarski were of considerable help to me in getting together docu- 
ments, testimony, and things of that nature. True copies were made 
of conversations held between high Government Polish officials and 
high Russian officials in Moscow concerning the disappearance of 
some 15.000 officers and nonconmiissioned officers. I submitted the 
rei:)ort in May 1942 to G-2 in Washington. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. Would it be possible to insert that report in the 
record at this time ? 

Mr. Mitchell. Wait until we hear the whole story. We will come 
back to it. 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. The troops were getting ready, and in January 
1944 I joined the Poles in Italy in the combat theater. My intelli- 
gence activities of course ceased at that time. 

Mr. MiTCHEUL. When? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. In January 1944. 

In my last year overseas, 1945, I was with SHAEF as a sort of 
trouble-shooter on Eastern European problems, particularly, as it 
concerned the POW's and the refugees. 

Mr. Mitchell. Anything else? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. I came home in December 1945. 

Mr. Flood. I am sure that all of the members of the committee 
have a number of questions they want to ask this very important 
witness, and I will yield to them. I want to ask just one or two. 

Who was USA G-2 during this period of time ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. General Strong, Major General Strong. 

Mr. Flood. Major General what Strong? Do you know his first 

Mr. KoRTH. We don't have it, sir. 

Colonel SzYMANSKi, We remember people by their last names in the 

Mr. Sheehan, George V. Strong. 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. That is right. 

Mr. Flood. You told us that General Brereton, Avho Avas USA C. O. 
in the Middle Elast, called you in and told you or showed you 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Showed me. 

Mr. Flood. A written order? 

Colonel SziTviANSKi, A cable. 

Mr. Flood. Do you remember who signed the cable ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. It was signed bv Mai*shall. 

Mr. Flood. What Marshall? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. General Marshall. George Marshall. 

Mr. Flood. What was his capacity at that time? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. He was Chief of Staff. 

Mr. Flood. USA. 

Colonel SzYMANSKT. Of the United States Armv. 


Mr. O'KoxsKi. George C. Marshall. 

Mr. Flood. So your order to make an investigation and report on 
the Katyn incident was given to yon by General Marshall, is' that right, 
as far as 3'on know ? 

Colonel SzTMAXSKi. It Avas signed bj' him. 

Mr. Flood. That is all for the time being. 

JNIr. Machrowicz. jNIr. Chairman, I think before any further ques- 
tions are had, in order that we can all question the witness intelli- 
gently, I would suggest that probably the counsel should introduce 
the reports in evidence so that whatever further questions are asked 
we may have proper reference to them. I know Congressman O'Kon- 
ski had that in mind, but I thought Me would wait until he completed 
his statement. 

(Discussion off the record.) 

Mr. Sheehax. In order to clarify wiiere we stand on this report, 
I will read this : 

If it is desired to publish these documents on an unclassified basis, a coverhig 
memorandum, enclosure No. 1. has been prepared detailing the deletions which 
will be necessary to protect individuals who are mentioned in this report. We 
would appreciate hearing fron* you if you decide to release the documents on 
this basis. 

I also would like to put this letter in the record and read from it 
])aragraph 2, a letter of ]March 10 from the Department of the Army. 
Tlie second paragraph states : 

The only criterion in the classification of any part of these documents is the 
protection of the life and safety of individuals behind the iron curtain subject 
to reprisals. Tlie names of those individuals who have already testified or who 
are alive in the United States or the United Kingdom are now declassified. The 
names of individuals possibly subject to reprisals have been excised on tlie copies 
of the attached reports. 

Mr. Flood. There is no reason we can't put it in. 

Mr. Sheehax. The onh' thing secret about the report is the names 
they have not declassified. 

Mr. KoRTH. There is one further thing. There is a top-secret 

Mr. Flood. We have all agreed that those two communications 
should go in at this point. 

Mv. KoRTii. No objection to that, sir. 

Mr. Flood. In view of those communications, why can't the whole 
report go in? 

Mr. Mitchell. I believe I can explain that. The chairman and 
other members of the committee on the 7th of March had a meeting 
with the Department counselor and the assistant G-2 of the Army 
for the purj^ose of trying to ascertain what names would be. permitted 
to remain in the report. At that time we made photostatic copies of 
these reports. On the two copies up there on the bench the names have 
been taken out and that is what I would like to put in the record. I 
have the original reports here. 

Mr. Flood. Let me say this for the record. This committee doesn't 
need any advice from the Army as to how to protect the best interests 
of people behind the iron curtain. "We have done that long before 
the Army thought about it. That is not going to help us a bit. What 
we want to know at this point is. Can we put that report in now with 
the names stricken out. 


Mr. Mitchell. You can. 

Mr. 8ii?:eiian. And evervthin<>; in the report. 

Mr. Flood. All right ; then put it in. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. Get it in from the colonel. 

Mr. Maciirowicz. I might say for clarification we had tlie meeting 
Avitli Colonel Schmelzer. There were a number of names referred to 
in the report and we came to a satisfactory conclusion, I thought — 
am I correct? 

Mr. KoRTH. I am sure that is correct. 

Mr. Machrowicz. With Colonel Schmelzer as to what names would 
remain in the report and wliat would be eliminated. I wanted to ask 
you now, has that been followed and does the report now contain the 
deletion of only those names which we agreed on ? 

Mr. KoRiTi. That is my understanding. Is that right? [To Mr. 
Mitchell :] You were at the meeting. 

Mr. Mitchell. That is correct. 

Chairman Madden. I might say that it is the consensus of the com- 
mittee where those deletions were made that the people who were 
deleted should be protected. 

Mr. Korth. Right, sir. 

Chairman Madden. Without any further remarks, I don't see any 
objection to putting the report in the record. 

^Ir. Mitchell. I would like to clarify this whole matter, Mr. 

At the time we had this declassification meeting it i-eferred to reports 
that had been sent to the committee, and it itemized appendixes and 
attachments to a letter which I would now like to put in the record. 
I would like to read this for the record so there will be no confusion 
about it. 

Chairman Madden. Proceed. 

Mr. Mitchell. Let nie have that ])hotostatic copy. 

I would like the record to show, Mr. Chairman, that the original of 
Colonel Szymanski's reports has been turned over to the committee. 

Chairman Madden. The record shows it. 

Mr. Mitchell. This is a letter dated ^May "20, 1043. The heading is 
"Legation of the United States of America, office of the military 
attache, Cairo, Egypt."' 

In the right-hand corner are the initials "'HIS/esj." The letter is 
directed to "Maj. Gen. George V. Strong. A. C. of S."— that is. Assist- 
ant Chief of Staff— "G-2. Military Intelligence Service, War Depart- 
ment, Washington, D. C." 

Dkau Gkneral Strong: Enclosed in this envelope is the material dealing with 
the "Katyn Affair." All of it was tnrned over to me by General Anders of the 
Pdlisli Army. It inclndes t lie following : 


1. Account (if Caittain ("zapski ("original and translation "i . 

2. IleiMirt by Caiitain Czajiski of sniiiiiiscd sialcmeiit of Reria of the famous 
N. W. K. D. and list of depositions (original and translation). 

.">. Summary of facts (original sent to General Strong). 

4. Excerpts of conversations between General Sikorski, General Anders, and 
.Toe Stalin and Molotov. 

r>. Exliibils A, I?, (\ D, and E, containing photostatic copies of original type- 
written copy of the original and translation of original depositions ma(U> by 
parties having knowledge of the officers in three prison camps. 


6. Report oa Polish prisoners of war in Russia. 

7. Report on prison camps in Russia. 

8. Report on conscription for Bolslievili army of Poles living iu the occupied 
section of Poland. 

9. Bulletin No. 3 in French put out by Communists and freely distributed in 

Second page, continuing : 

No conclusion and no opinion i.? expressed by me. 

The duplicate copy of this, less the photostatic and original copies, was put 
in tlie form of a report and sent through channels. 

Delay in forwarding this material was due to, first, sand-fly fever, which caught 
me en route and. second, the translation for which extra help had to be gotten. 

Henry I. Szymanski, 
Lieutenant Colonel, GSC, Assistant Military Attach^. 

"Nine enclosures," in the left-hand corner. 

Mr. Flood. Was that letter in our possession at the time we had 
our meeting with Colonel Schmelzer ? 

Mr. Mitchell. Yes^; this letter was. 

Mr. Machroavicz. And we made all the deletions that were agreed 
to at that time ? 

iNIr. MrrcHFXL. Yes. 

j\Ir. Maciirowicz. Tlien is there any objection to whatever is in 
that file being made a part of the record today with the deletions 
agreed upon at our meeting with Colonel Schmelzer? 

Mr. MrrciiELL. Xo, sir. 

Mr. Maciirowicz. Let me get that straight. There is no objection 
to that entire report as it stands, with the deletions made, being 
otfered in evidence. Am I correct? 

Mr. KoRTii. You have a letter of authority right here, sir. 

Mr. Mitchell. I would like to read the full letter of authority. 

Chairman ISIadde^j". Proceed. 

Mr. INIiTCHELL. In fact. I would like to read both letters we have 
received in connection with this referred to by Mr. Sheehan. Will 
you mark this exhibit 9 ? 

(The letter referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 9" and filed for 
the record.) 

Mr. Mitchell. This is a letter from the "Department of the Army, 
Wasliington, December 17. 19.">1. Office of the Department counselor." 
The letter is addressed to "Mr. John Mitchell, counsel, Select Com- 
mittee To Investigate the Katyn Massacre, House Office Building." 

Dear Mr. Mitchell : I am enclosing herewith five documents which are 
copies of appendixes of a report made in May 1943 by Col. Henry I. Szymanski 
when he was assistant military attache in Cairo, Egypt. 

You will note that these documents contain security information and are 
classified secret. They are released to the committee on this basis, and regu- 
lations require me to state that these documents contain information affecting 
the national defense of the United States within the meaning of the espionage 
laws. Transmission or revelation of their contents in any manner to an un- 
authorized person is prohibited by law. 

If it is desired to publish these documents on an unclassified basis, a covering 
memorandum (enclcsure No. 1) has been prepared detailing the deletions which 
will be necessary to protect individuals who are mentioned in these reports. 
We would appreciate hearing from you if you desire to release the documents 
on this basis. 

If we may be of further assistance, please call on us. 
Sincerely yours, 

F. Shackleford. 


Exhibit 9 

Department of the Akmy, 
Washinf/ton, December 17, 1951. 
Mr. John Mitchell, 

Counsel, Select Conimittee to Investigate the Katyn Massacre, 
House Office Building. 
Deak Mk. Mitchell: I am fnclosing herewith five documents which are copies 
of appendixes of a report made in May 1943 by Col. Heury I. Szyman^^ki, when 
he was assistant military attache in Cairo, Egypt. 

You will note that these documents contain security information and are 
classified secret. They are released to the committee on this basis, and regula- 
tions requii-e me to state that these documents contain information affecting the 
national defense of the United States within the meaning of the e.spionage laws. 
Transmission or revelation of their contents in any manner to an unauthorized 
person is prohibited by law. 

If it is desired to publish these documents on an unclassified basis, a covering 
memorandum (enclosure No. 1) has been prepared detailing the deletions which 
will be necessary to protect individuals who are mentioned in these reports. 
We would appreciate hearing from you if you decide to release the documents 
on this basis. 

If we may be of further assistance, please call on us. 
Sincerely yours, 

F. Shackelford, 
Department Counselor. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That is the letter we had prior to our meeting. 
Mr. Mitchell (reading) : 

Six enclosures, one covering memorandum, 2 to 6 appendixes to Colonel 
Szymanski's report. 

Wliile the Congress was in recess I received this information which 
contained four appendixes. There were nine total appendixes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Is Colonel Schmelzer's appendix in there? Is 
it in that list? 

Mr. MiTcireLL. No. For the record I am trying to make a chrono- 
logical transaction out of this. 

Mr. Machrowicz. "N^Hiat is the significance ? "VVe have already com- 
pYied with that. We have notified them we want this declassified. 
We met with them. We made the deletions. 

Mr. Mitchell. That is the next step which I want to put in the 

The next step is that the chairman of the committee instructed me 
to contact the War Department and to arrange a meeting with the 
officials in keeping with tlieir suggestion in the letter I have just read. 
We had that meeting and the members of the committee were present 
and the connnittee was sent all the appendixes, and reviewed it, and 
this letter I would now like to put on tlie record. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That was subsequent to our meeting? 

Mr. MrrcHELL. Subsequent to our meeting. The letter is dated 
March 10. (Reading:) 

March 10, 1052, Department of the Army, Washington. Office of the Department 

The letter is addressed to — 

The II()n(irabl(> Ray .1. IMaddkn, Chairman. House Slclrct Conimitfer To hirrxti- 

gate the Katyn Massacre, House of Kepresentatires. 

DiAK Ml!. .Mai)I>i:.\ : In afcordaiice with th(> vcrlial uiuhn-standing bi'tween the 

House St'Icct Coiiimittt'c to Investigate the Katyn Massacre and Colonel Schmel- 

zer. Office of the Assistant Cluef of Staff, (J-J. on tho afttMiioon of March 7. 11»42, 


Col. Henry I. Szynianski's report and appendixes have been reviewed in con- 
junction witli Colonel Szymanski with the object of completely declassifying 
the documents for release to the newspapers. 

The only criterion in the classification of any part of these documents is the 
protection of the life and safety of individuals behind the iron curtain subject 
to reprisals. The names of those individuals who have already testified or who 
are alive in the United States or the United Kingdom are now declassified. The 
names of individuals possibly subject to reprisals have been excised on the 
copies of the attached documents. The two copies of the report and all appen- 
dixes are transmitted herewith in a declassified form ready for transmittal to 
the newspapers. 

Sincerely yours, 

F. Shackelford, 
Department Counselor. 

One enclosure, two copies of report and appendixes. 

Mr. Mactirowicz. I still do not know what the exception is. Now 
they are available for the record, are they not? 

Mr. KoRTH. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What is all this about ? 

Mr. KoRTH. All appendixes are now available. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. Let me ask you this question : As I understand it, 
Mr. Mitchell, whatever you are introducing there is no objection to 
from anybody. Is that right, Mr. Korth ? 

Mr. KoRTiT. That is right. 

Mr. FuRCOLo. And you represent the Department? 

Mr. KoRTH. That is right. 

Chairman Maddex. I think Mr. Mitchell was just trying to form 
the record on this. 

Mr. Machrow^icz. Is that a compilation of all the reports we have? 

Mr. Mitchell. No, sir. 

Mr, Machrowicz. There is no objection to these two. Let's get 
them in the record. 

Mr. KoRTH. There is no objection. 

Chairman Maddex. Are they identified? 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. I wonder how the deletion of this top identification 
of where the letter comes from has anything to do with protecting 
somebody l^ehind the iron curtain. 

Mr. KoRTH. It probably stated "secret" up there. That was the 
classification. It was cut out. Therefore, it is not classified. 

Mr. O'KoxsKi. I accept your explanation. 

Mr. Mitchell. Here it is. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Can we get those in evidence? 

Mr. Mitchell. They will be in evidence as ehxibit 10. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You said you had some more. 

Mr. SiiEEiiAx. Mr. Counsel, are there any more to go in evidence? 

Mr. Mitchell. I believe you should have a statement from the rep- 
resentative of the War Department Counsel's office. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Before we have that statement let's proceed or- 
derly now. Is there any objection to these being offered in evidence? 

Mr. Mitchell. No, sir. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Let's get them identified and put in the record. 
There are two reports, are there not ? 

Mr. Mitchell. Two photostatic copies. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Are they both photostatic copies of the same 
report ? 

Mr. Mitchell. Yes, plus the original. 


Mr. Flood. Let me see them a minute. What is the next number of 
your exhibits ? Mark that as "Exhibit No. 10."^ 

(Documents referred to were marked "Exhibit No. 10" and filed for 
tlie record.) 

Mr. Flood, I have been handed by counsel for the committee what 
is marked as "Exhibit 10." I now show this to the witness, Colonel 
Szjananski, and ask him if this is a proper photostatic copy of the 
reports we have been discussing, just "yes" or "no." Take a look at 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Flood. Now they are offered in evidence. 

(The documents referred to were marked "Exhibit No. 10" and 
later changed to "Exhibit lOA" and will be found on p. 426.) 

Mr. Sheehan. Colonel, my question is going to be along the line 
of some of the things in the reports and you may keep them in front of 
you and refer to them as the questioning goes along. 

No. 1, is your letter of April 30, 1943, to Major General Strong. 
Would you be kind enought to read that for the committee here. 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. April 30? 

Mr. Sheehan. Your covering letter. 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. That is May 29. 

Mr. Sheehan. You wrote a letter on April 30, 1943, from Cairo, 
Egypt. May I read the letter and you try to identify it. It was the 
covering letter for appendix III which is included in this group of 
reports : 

"The enclosed memorandum contains too much dynamite to be forwarded 
through regular channels, so it is being sent directly to you." 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. I remember it, sir. 

Mr. Sheehan. I assume it is part of those records there some 

Mr. Mitchell. I will see if it is in there. 

Mr. Sheehan. The Army sent a flock of other records. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That is why I suggested you get them all in the 
record so when any questions are asked we know what we are referring 

Mr. Sheehan. I assume the general statement, Mr. Chairman, in- 
cluded everything that the Army had sent. 

Mr. KoRTH. It has not. 

Mr. Mitchell. That is why I wanted to clear it up. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That is what I wanted clear and we have just a 
part of the record in evidence. Let's understand why a certain portion 
is not in evidence, so then we will know where we are. 

Mr. Mitchell. I will correct the record, please. It is appendix 
No. 3. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. May I give you exliibit No. 10. As I understand it, 
that is introduced in evidence, and I assume if any questions are going 
to hv asked at this i)oint they are going to be about exliibit No. 10. 

Ml'. KoRTii. Tluit is correct, sir. 

Mr. Flood. I wouhl imagine so. We will get to something else Avhen 
we got to it. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. This letter is not in there. 

Mr. Mitchell. Yes, it is in appendix No. 3. 


Chairman Madden. Is that included in the exliibit ? 

Mr. KoRTH. That is my understanding, sir. It is here in the 

Mr. Sheehax, He has it in the original there. I have read that into 
the record, Colonel, for the purpose of making it plain that you your- 
self recognized the minute you were investigating the Katyn affair 
that it had quite a great bit of dynamite in it, as you so aptly ex- 
pressed it. 

Colonel SzYMAXSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sheeiian. For the record, from your letter, under date of May 
29, your letter to General Strong, would you be kind enough to read 
the last paragraph, starting off with "A duplicate copy of this"? 

Mr. Machrowicz. I would like to have counsel show me where in 
these exhibits these letters api^ear. I have been trying to point out 
patiently that we have not yet all the records. 

Mr. Sheehax. It is in there. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I would like to have it in the record that it has 
been introduced. 

jNIr. Mitchell. It is marked "Appendix No. 3." 

Mr. Machrowicz. You liave introduced something entirely different. 

]\Ir. FuRCOLO. You have over there what has been introduced. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Let me have it again, Mr. O'Konski. In these 
exhibits you have offered in evidence 

Mr. KoRTH. It is not in there. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Certainly. 

Mr. Mitchell. That one particular letter is not in there. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Then it is not. You said it was. 

Mr. Mitchell. It is referred to here, summary of facts. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Let us get it in the record. 

Mr. Flood. Let's do it this way. 

Mr. Mitchell. It has been put in. 

Mr. Flood. We understand it. Let me have exhibit 10. Is this it? 
Exhibit 10 has been offered in the record. I am advised that exhibit 10 
does not contain a letter that the gentleman from Illinois wishes to 
question about; is that correct? 

Mr. Korth. That is right, sir. 

Mr. Flood. Let's get the letter that the gentleman from Illinois 
wishes to refer to and we will attach it as part (A) to exhibit 10. Is 
there any objection to that from anybody? 

Mr. KoRTH. The only thing I can say is that it was not approved 
at that conference, apparently. 

Mr. Flood. Is there an}^ reason why it cannot be approved at this 
conference ? 

Mr. Mitchell. That letter was present at the conference. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Counsel, I think Congressman Dondero, Con- 
gressman Madden, and myself, and you were there, and I want to 
say the letter was there. 

Mr. Flood. All right. 

Mr. Korth. I mean there was no objection to it, I understand, at 
that time. 

Mr. Machrowicz. No objection as far as I know. 

Mr. Flood. There is no objection. Now will you take that letter, 
mark it as "Exhibit 10 (A) ," either that letter or copy of it. 

93744— 52— pt. 3 15 


Mr. O'KoNSKi. To get it chronologically it should precede the 

Mr. Flood. This is ready for introduction. I want this letter 
marked as "Exhibit 10," and I want the documents submitted hereto- 
fore marked as "Exhibit 10 (a)" for chronological reasons to comply 
with the request of the gentleman from Illinois. 

(The letter of April 30, 1943, was marked "Exhibit No. 10," and the 
reports, previously marked and received in evidence as Exhibit No. 
10 were re-marked "Exhibit 10 (a).") 

Exhibit 10 

Legation of the United States of America, 

Office of the Military Attache, 

Cairo, Kyypi, April 30, 1943. 
Maj. Gen. George V. Strong, 

G-2, War Department, Washington, D. C. 
Dear General Strong : The enclosed memorandum contains too much dynamite 
to be forwarded through I'egular channels, so it is being sent directly to you. 
This will be followed by a detailed statement including conversations on this 
subject with Stalin, Berea, and Vyszynski. It is being prepared for me and 
will be sent you directly within two weeks. 

Henry I. Szy'manski, 

Lt. Colonel, GSC, 
Assistant Military Attache. 

Exiiibit IOA 


May 29, 1943. 
Major General George V. Strong, 
A. C. of H., 0-2, 

Military Intelligence Service, War Department, Washington, D. C. 
Dear General Strong : Inclosed in this envelope is the material dealing with 
the "Katyn Affair". All of it was turned over to me by General Anders of the 
Polish Army. It includes the following : 


1. Account of Captain Czapski (original and translation). 

2. Report by Captain Czapski of supposed statement of Beria of the famous 
N. K. W. I), and list of depositions (original and translation). 

3. "Summary of Facts" — original sent to Gen. Strong. 

4. Excerpts of conversations between General Sikorski, General Anders, and 
Joe Stalin and Molotov. 

5. Exhibits A, B, C, D and E containing photostatic copies of original, type- 
written copy of original and translation of original deiwsitions made by parties 
having knowledge of the otficers in the three prison camps. 

6. Report on Polish prisoners of war in Russia. 

7. Report on prison camps in lUissia. 

8. lieport on conscription for Bolshevik Army of Poles living in the occupied 
section of Poland. 

9. Bulletin No. 3 in French put out by Communists and freely distributed in 

No conclusion and no opinion is expressed by me. 

The dni»licate copy of tliis less the photostatic and original copies was put in 
form of a report and sent through ciianiiels. 

Delay in forwarding this nuiterial was due to, first, sand fly fever which 
caught me en route and, second, the translation for which extra help had to be 


Henry I. Szymanski, 

Lt. Colonel, G. S. C, 
Ass't. Military Attach^. 


Appendix I 
Katin Affair 

Captain Joseph Czapski of the Polish Army was detailed by General Anders 
immediately after the signing of the Polish-Russian Agreement to conduct a 
search for hundreds of Polish officers known to have been in the three prison 
camps mentioned in attached report and from one of which he personally was 
released. His account of the search is substantially as related to me by other 
officers who from time to time aided in the search. 

Captain Czapski 

I am oue of the group numbering from 70 to 80 people who were in the Staro- 
bielsk camp and have been found. Since October 1940 till April 1941 I have 
continually been searching for my missing colleagues. I know this matter 
thoroughly and I could say about it all that we are aware of, I must state though 
that the question is still obscure. 

Said problem has been given publicity to by the German wireless and then 
by Reuters. These informations concern the murdering of Polish officers in the 
Smolensk area. Three camps come into question and namely : Starobielsk, 
Kozielsk and O.staszkowo. We on our part have no precise informations, we base 
ourselves on particulars gathered by us. 

When in September and Octolier 1939 a part of the Polish troops fell into 
Soviet captivity, Officers and a certain numlier of Privates, but Officers in the 
main had been placed in three camps: at Starobielsk, at Kozielsk and at Ostasz- 
kowo as well as in a number of camps located throughout the entire territory of 
RuvSsia. The total number of those placed in the three above quoted camps 
amounted to 1.5-16 thousand— in this 8,600-8,900 Officers. Out of this group only 
400 persons in all have been found, of the remaining prisoners every trace had 
vanished since May 1940. I want to observe here that, when speaking of the 
Starobielsk, Kozielsk and Ostaszkowo camps and of my colleagues placed there, 
I intend those prisoners who had been sojourning there until May 1940. At that 
time these camps underwent a complete reorganization and Starobielsk was 
changed into a prison where Polish political prisoners were detained and to 
Kozielsk had been brought the officers interned up to then in Lithuania. From 
the latter group almost all have been found and are now in the ranks of the 
Polish Army. Those of the interned in the above three camps until May 1940, 
and who have been found, belong to the group of officers and soldiers arrested 
during their sojourn in the camp at the aim of bringing an action against them, 
as well as to the small group transferred to the Gryszowiec camp on the Vologda 

Who was in those camps? 

We tried to obtain the full list of the names on the base of our own notes and 
remembrances. We have compiled lists out of memory and possess files con- 
taining over 10.000 names. We had 12 generals. Out of this number only two 
came back. 300 colonels and Lt. Colonels, 5 thousand lieutenants and 2nd lieut. 
2,500 captains are missing. In the Starobielsk camp alone there was a group 
of 600 pilots and in all the three above mentioned camps there was a total of 
800 iihysicians of which 3 jiercent Jew s. Kalf of the Officers were professionals, 
the remaining were Reserve Officers. I can affirm here in all certitude that it 
was the flower of the Polish •■Intelligentzia." There was there a group of 
about ninety University Pi'ofessors. I may quote here for instance that 80% 
of the members of the Armament Institute have disappeared, as well as 80% 
of the graduated of the Warsaw Polytechnic High School, working in the arma- 
ment branch. The whole staff of the Gas Institute with at their head Major 
Brzozowski are missing. Among the missing are among others such eminent 
scientists as : Prof. Pienkowski, Dr. Stefanowski, Prof. Zielinski, Nelken, 
Wroczynski (formerly Minister), Prof. Godlewski a distinguished scientist, 
investigator of the brain, successor of I'rof. Rose. Neitlier have made return 
many famous specialists of the technical area, among these: engineer Antoni 
Eiger who was also vice-chaii-nian of the Antihitlerite Association in Poland, 
Lecturer Prof. Tucholski, in the camps also there were two editors of "Nasz 
Przeglad" (Jewish paper in Polish language) who made an application request-- 
ing the right of "asylum" and they never reappeared. In Starobielsk there 
were among others the chief Rabbi of the Polish Army — Mjr. Stajnberg, the 
Reverend Aleksandrowicz and a great number of eminent physicians. Among 


others did not make return Dr. Dadej head manager of the sanatorium for the 
poorest cliildren at Zakoi)ane, the distiniiiiished scientist Dr. Nitera, laureate 
of Rockefeller's fund, Dr. Skwarczynski, Prof. Pitrowski trom the Academy 
of Science, I'rof. Ralski, Piwowar — poet from Cracow and many others. 

When after the catastrophe we found ourselves wrecked in the camps, I intend 
speaking chiefly of the states of mind at Starobielsk, when thousands of us were 
crushed within the narrow limits of the camp, a great deal of strength of char- 
acter and of courage was needed not to succumb, not to break down, not to lose 
faith. And it was just owing to the above-mentioned men who had shown &o 
great a strength of character and of courage that the camp did not lose its moral 
aspect. They were continually working at the maintaining of all the moral 
values. I was looking at them with genuine admiration. They were among 
the most nol)le — the noblest. They represented all what is most beautifu.1 and 
sublime in the Polish Nation. And just no one from these people — our educators 
and intercessors has returned. I should mention here Major Soltan, head of 
General Anders' Staff in September 1939, who had a splendid heroic record 
during the fight. Lieutenant Checinski, a fanatic Federalist who was dreaming 
about a new and beavitiful Poland, Rabbi Sternberg, Reverend Aleksandrowicz 
who were giving a fine example of religious tolerance and moral assistance to all 
the internees. These together with Pastor Potocki had been deported for the 
first and according to rumors that had reached us they were kept apart in a 
tower at Kozielsk. 

On the 5th and 6th April 1940 sinuiltaneously in all the camps one was pro- 
ceeding with our deportation. We were taken away in small groiips. The Soviet 
authorities were purposely spreading false Informations to lead us into error 
and keep us in a complete ignorance as to our future fate. And so we were told 
to have been ceded to France where we would be sent through Roumania and 
Greece. Half of us believed these informations. From many members of the 
NKWD it was heard that we were going to Poland. The inducing us into error 
was of such consequence to the Soviet authorities that we were finding when 
walking about leaflets with a would be course of journey written on them. We 
Avere waked at night and examined about our knowledge of the Hungarian or 
Roumanian language. We were explaining to ourselves all these moves as facts 
indicating that we would be really transferred abroad and that the Soviet 
authorities were in need of interpreters. 

I was one of the last deported from Starobielsk. When speaking of brutality 
one can state that the treatment experienced by us during the transporting action 
was the most monstrous and most abject. We were, of course, driven in prison 
cars. We were landed in the same brutal way somewhere near Smolensk. In 
those environs were brought all from the above-mentioned camps. Several weeks 
after 400 persons were deported among these 200 officers to Griszowiec by 
Wologda. During our journey we found on the ceilings of the railway carriages 
inscriptions made by our colleagues previously deported : "We have been landed 
near Smolensk, three stations to the west of the town." 

Out of 15,000 people, only those taken to Griszowiec and some other ninety 
persons have remained in life, the latter had been detained in prison in isolated 
cells and had been submitted to investigation. Those of us who found them- 
selves at Griszowiec were convinced that our colleagues were placed in similar 
small camps in different parts of Russia. We had the right once a month to 
correspond with our families. We were getting news from Poland and were 
surprised that every one of us was receiving at least 10 questions about what 
had happened with our colleagues with whom we had previously been in the 
three above-mentioned camps. 

The Polish-Soviet agreement was signed in July ami at the end of August the 
formation of a Polish Army was already in course. We were sent to the there- 
abouts of Kujhyshev, Tock, and other centres and since the first moment we 
began to investigate about the fate of our comrades. 

General Anders, immediately on his release from prison, started i-esearchers 
of his coUaborators and, above all, of Mjr. Soltan. We thought that the fact 
that our colleagues were still missing was caused by their dei)ortation into some 
remote place. We were thinking of them with the utmost optimism and were 
expecting their return from day to day. 

At that time, by order of General Anders, I was investigating in the matter 
of our missing colleagues. All the privates and officers arriving to the camp 
were very scrupulously examined by me about the names of our men who still 
remained in the camps or prisons. Every one of the newcomers was quoting 
at least 10 names requesting they would be reclaimed. I had myself examined 


jieveral thousand ]>erson.s and I received no concrete news about the missing 
•comrades, all these pieces of news were unclear informations, got from second- 
or even third-hand. Thus we were told that a group of prisoners was deported 
to mine works on Francis Joseph Laud, that 630 persons had been sent to Kalym, 
others to the Far North by Norymsk at the outlet of the river Jenisej. 

Our scanty informations and a number of particulars gathered in the army 
Avere sent by us to the Polish Enibass'y in Kujbyshev. 

In October and November 1941 Ambassador Kot had interfered in this mat- 
ter directly by Stalin. He had with him the material gathered by us and asked 
Stalin what was happening with these people. 

Stalin was indignant or pretended to be so and in Mr. Kot's presence rang up 
the NKWD, declaring that the "Amnesty" was concerning everybody and that 
all or these i)eople should be sent to the Polish Army. In December 1941 ar- 
rived the C. in C. General Sikorski to whom we handed the lists containing 
5 thousand names. Said material was taken by General Anders who accom- 
panied Gen. in his travel to Moscow. Both Generals interfered with 
Stalin in the matter of the missing officers. General Anders laid down on the 
table liefore Stalin a liundle of documents and materials. Stalin's attitude 
was different than the one adopted before Ambassador Kot. He answered: 
"What can I know what became of .j thousand men? Maj'be they ran away 
to Manchuria." 

To this General Anders replied that he w\as too well acquainted with the 
methods of working of the NKWD to be able to suppose that such a consider- 
able number of people could have disappeared somewhere without they know- 
ing it. 

Stalin smiled at this. 

The Polish Generals declared further that they could suppose that those 
people were doing some pressing work in the Far North and that the chiefs of 
the camps did not want to release them and were detaining them on their own 
responsibility. Stalin then declared that such a thing is inadmissible saying 
textually that "such chiefs would be broken down by us" ("takich naczelnikow 
njy budiem ich lamat"). 

General Anders returned to the army in an optimistic state of mind. Decem- 
ber 1941 was over and no one of the missing had been found. I learned that 
the central board of the camps, the so-called "Ludag" was in Oakalowo. Such 
being the case I went there. It was in the period, let me use the expression — • 
of the "honey-moon" of the Polish Soviet pact. I had with me very energetic 
letters referring to Stalin's declaration and I addressed myself to General 
Masietnik, Chief of the "Ludag,"' reque.sting him to let me look through the 
lists of the persons sojourning in the camps. But the only result of my visit 
•was the looking at a big map in Nasietkin's studio with the camps marked 
on it and disseminated throughout the entire territory of Russia. The camps 
were gi-ouped in the main on the Kola Peninsula in Kalym and in the Wier- 
•choiansk district. 

On my return from Czkalowo one of the Soviet Liaison Officers, a Colonel, 
addressed General Anders witli the observation that we could not communicate 
•ourselves with the single Soviet Authorities but that this should be done only 
through the intermediary of the central office. General Anders answered that he 
•quite agreed with him and that he was sending me to Moscow to the Central 

I was given letters written in a very categoric tone and wfis hoping to succeed 
in getting in touch with lieria and other high representatives of the NKWD as 
Kierkulov and Fiedotov. I think that had I arrived with such letters to London 
I would have been received b.v the Prime Minister Churchill himself. In Moscow 
I had waited for ten days and was at last called in the middle of the night 
to General Rajchman occupying the fourth place in the NKWB' hierarchy. I 
presented to him the description of the whole course of the events and with the 
detailed lists. Rajchman read carefully the text presented by me, passing 
through every page with a pencil in his hand. 

In completion of the memorial I quoted also a number of unconfirmed reports 
about the fate of our colleagues and concluding I declared that we had been 
thoroughly examined, every one of us had his own file containing all the 
materials and photographs. In such a state of things nobody could suppose 
that the place of residence of 15.000 prisoners of war, in this number 8,000 
officers, could not be known to the Soviet authorities. 


I then added that Stalin's promises and then his categorical oriler to release 
all our comrades wherever they were and for the case they would liave disappear- 
ed to report in what conditions and where, sht)uld be cairied into execution. 

In face of these activities of ours, of tlie conversations of Ambassador Kot and 
General Anders, of various memprials, the assertion contained in the Soviet 
declaration that the Polish Government did not deem it proper to address 
directly the Soviet Government — must seem ;it least surprising. 

And what then were we doing tlie whole time : we Poles in Russia and in 
London? Uninterruptedly by all possible means we endeavoured to get any 
sort of informations. Minister Kaczynski had addressed a number of notes, he 
called twice on the Soviet Ambassador in London — the answer was either silence 
or very unclear promises never followed by any sort of action. 

General Rajchmann's attitude during my conversation with him was very 
characteristic. He had taken an active part in all the more important investi- 
gations. He was entrusted by the XKWD with the tiles of the Polish officers 
and whilst speaking with me he declared that he was not at all acquainted with 
the matter, that it was not his branch but — at the aim of obliging General Anders 
he would try to give me some explanations. He promised to receive me the next 
day in order to settle the matter. Ten days passed on. I was waked at 1 
o'clock of the night and General Kajchman told me by phone that he was very 
sorry not to be able to receive me as he was bound t(j leave the town on the next 
day and all the materials in this business have been sent to Comrade Wyszynski 
to Kujbyshev from whom I could get all the details I wanted. 1 answered to 
General Rajchmau that I would get no news from Wyszynski as 1 was aware 
of the fact that Ambassador Kot had interfered eight times by the latter and 
had got no information whatever. After this conversation with Rajchman 
we had absolutely no other news. Our further researches were simply gestures 
of despair. Ambassador Kot and our conversations with different people and 
among others with .some personalities of the NKWI> to whom we addressed our- 
selves inquiring about the fate of the missing officers stating that they were onr 
friends, or relations gave no I'esult whatever. Piivately we were told — keep 
quiet now. July and August will come and they will make their apiiearance. 
It kept alive our hopes that they were sojourning somewhere on islands of the 
Far North. I want to state here that we had two informations which cau.sed 
our anxiety. Still before the outbreak of the Soviet-German war Merkalov 
had had a conversation with a group of senior Polish Officers, to whom he pro- 
posed the organisation of a Polish Army in Russia. One of tlie Polish Officers 
asked Beria wliether all the Polish Officers would be able to enter tliis army. 
Reria declared to this that of course yes aiid that no political differences would 
j»lay a part in it. The Polish Officer said then that in that case everything 
was in order as we would have splendid cadi-es with the enlistment of the officers 
from Starobielsk, Kozielsk, and Ostaszkowo. To this Merkalov observed : "Oh. 
those no, we have made a great blunder with them" (my z niemi zdielali bolshaju 

The second information is the report of a woman who in June l!)4(t had been 
deported to Komi (URSS) when sitting on the deck of the barge hauled by a 
ship she burst into tears. A young man from the barge staff' asked her the 
i-eason of her t(>ars. She replied that she was crying over her fate and the fate 
of her husband, a captain of whom she had no news at all. To this the marine 
said that she would never see her husitand any more as just in that six)t 7 
thousand Polish officers transported on two large barges had been drowned. At 
a certain moment the hauling ships detached the barges, which were pierced, the 
Soviet staff jiassed on bo;ird of the ships, and the barges were sunk. To the 
(lueslion of the Polish woman whether anybody had l»een saved she was answered 
that nobody at all. An elderly man also from the staff of the barge confirmed 
the narrative of his younger comrade and he cried together with the woman. 

This had been during all these years a bleeding wound for us. If the Germans 
liave now given publicity to this matter T want to underline that they are the 
last nation who has the right of talking about the matter using it foi- propa- 
ganda aims. The Germans have slaughtered thousands and thousands of the 
Polish Intelligentzia, they have imprisoned Jews in ghettos where they system- 
atically murder them— they have no right to use the above facts to their own 
advaiil.'ige and pretend to be affected by them. 

P.ul the Polish .Nation has shown the maximum of cold blood when during two 
ye.Ms it observed silence and did not speak of the matter outsid<>. We were doing 
this in the name of the allied interests, in the name of solidarity and of th«^ 


common struggle against Germany. But once these facts have been given world 
publicity I should like that the press would he informed not of legends, but of 
tigures. of people who were in those camps, of facts based on datas collected by 
their comrades of misery and who even had been in the administration of said 

I believe that the discovery of the graves by Smolensk, the identification of 
the remains of Generals Smorawinski and Bohaterowicz, of Engineer Eiger and 
of a number of others is but a fragment of this tragedy. 

Whether the 15 thousand officers and soldiers have been murdered really— 
1 cannot answer to it now. 

The fact is, that the flower of the Polish Intelligentzia, of young people, of 
scientists, were sojourning in these camps. And since two years we not only 
get no news about them but even not once their appeal for help has reached us. 

The figure of lil.OOO includes only three camps. According to the "Red Star" 
from October 1940 over 180,000 people were imprisoned. We do not know how 
many are there the graves by Smolensk. The version of the drowning of oflicers 
and soldiers in the White Sea does not contest in the least the news of the 
slaughter by Smolensk, it only confirms that decision to liquidate the most 
resistant element the most difiicult to subordinate. The decision was taken in a 
period when the Soviet similarly to Germany were certain that Poland would 
never rise again. The decision of murder had been taken in cold reflection, by 
the desk and is not the i-esult of a revolutionary movement of indignation of 
the masses as it had been in Russia in 1917. 

Appendix II 

Report by Captain Czapskt of supposed statement made by Beria of the 
N. K. W. D. concerning the fate of the officers in the "Katin Affair." 


The informations possessed up to now about the fate of Polish Oflicers from 
the War Prisoners' Camps at Kozielsk, Starobielsk, and Ostaszkowo ; are very 
scarce and fragmentary, they are based on the narratives heard from Russian 

Said informations can be divided into several groups — fragments. To those 
most positive, on account of the circumstances in which it was given and the 
source from which it came, belongs the enunciation of the National Commissary 
for Home Affairs ( N. K. W^ I). ) Beria, expressed in October 1940 at the 
Lubianka prison in Moscow in the presence of the following Polish Officers : 
Colonel Eu.'Jtachy Gorczynski, ex Lt. Col. Leon Bukojemski and ex Lt. Col. 
Zygmunt Berling. 

According to the written declarations, in our possession, of Col. Gorczynski 
and ex Lt. Col. Buko.temski — Beria, when asked about the fate of the Polish 
Officers prisoners of war expressed himself as follows : "My zdielali balshuiu 
Oshibku" — we made a great blunder. This opinion Beria's had been corrobo- 
rated by the National Commissary of Public Security (Gosudarstwiennoj Biezo- 
pasnost) Merkulow. Out of Beria's further words stating that the above offi- 
cers "were no more there" ^ it resulted that something had happened with the 
Officers interned in Kozielsk, Ostaszkowo, and Starobielsk — even before October 

Further informations confirm the initial supposition based on the words of 
Beria and Merkulow — viz, that something tragical must have happened with the 
Polish Officers. 

In September 1941 on the arrival to the Polish Army of a group of Polish 
internees fx'om the Kola peninsula, who had been handed down to the Russians 
by Lithuanians and Letts and had been initially placed by the Soviet authorities 
to the camp of Juchnowo (Smolensk District), pertinacious rumours were cir- 
culating among that soldiers, rumours concerning a tragedy happened with 
Polish prisoners of war on the northern waters. At that time none of the 
soldiers ever supposed that the missing officers would not reapiiear in the 
ranks of the Polish Army. 

Said rumours could not be put into the shape of documentary statements, the 
informations being of too general a character and the access to their source 
being rendered impossible to the parties concerned. Besides, no special im- 
portance was attriltuted to those rumours (it was immediately after the pro- 

^ Declaration of Col. Gorczynski. 


nmluation of the so-called "amnesty"), reckoning that at any moment the 
expected thousands of officers would arrive from the camps. Still none of 
the officers from Starobielsk. from Ostaszkowo, nor from Kozielsk had ever 
appeared. This moment of expectation based on the faith in the good will 
of the respective U. K. S. S. factors had been the cause of the forfeiture of many 
informations which eventually could have been obtained at the time by means 
of researches. 

Information obtained later on follow two clues : 

(1) The declarations in our possession of : G ■ K • and of the n. c. o. 

W Antoul seems to hint at the possibility of there l)eing a grain of truth in 

the rumours that were circulating among the Polish prisoners of war from the 
Kola peninsula. 

The n. c. o. W transferred in June, ev. in July 1940 to a camp in the 

town of Griszowiec, when inquiring on the fate of his comrades from Ostaszkow 
where he had been previously detained, heard personally from the sentry that 
the prisoners of the Ostaszkow'o camp had been drowned. According to the 

declaration of the n. c. o. W some of the sentries gave to other Polish soldiers 

the same informations about the drowning of the Polish Prisoners of War. 

K G , whilst travelling through the White Sea in a barge in June 1941, 

burst into tears thinking of her fate and of the fate of her missing husband, 
and was asked by one of the soldiers escorting the transport about the reason 
of her tears. On explaining the cause of her grief she heard from her inter- 
locutor that the Polish Officers are no more there, with a jeering explanation 
that they had been drowned exactly there in the White Sea. 

The soldier explained further that he was escorting the transport of about 
7,000 Polish officers and policemen placed in two barges, which had been de- 
tached from the hauling ship and wei-e sunk. An old Russian, belonging to the 

stafE of the barge, who had listened to the conversation between and 

the soldier, after the latter had withdrawn, confirmed the truth of this news, 
he expressed to the woman his sympathy and burst himself into tears relating 
that he had been witness to the scene of drowning of the l*olish Officers and police- 
men. The barges carrying the prisoners of war had been punched through whilst 
the staff pas.sed. on board of the hauling ship and so all the prisoners were 

During her sojourn in the Starobielsk prison G had seen in December 

1940 in the prison vapour-bath a note written on the wall by her husband and 
signed by him in which he was stating that he was in the Starobielsk prison and 
was starling for an "Unkown Land". 

(2) Deposition of K B . — This deposition is very characteristic in con- 
nection with the news of the discovery of the remains of Polish Officers made by 
the Germans at Katyn, near Smolensk. 

15 since November 1940 was being detained in a camp of compulsory labour 

the so-called "Kargopolskije Lagiera" — Arkhangelsk district. From a superior 
n.c.o. (1st Sergeant) who was sojourning in the <'anip as condemned for specula- 
tion, and was named Iwanow of Ukrainian origin, B heard personally that 

the said Iwanow had himself taken part in the execution of several thousand 
Polish Officers ("wyzszyj komandujuszczyj sostaw") which took place near 
Smolensk. One liad fii-ed from tanks at the group of Polish Officers and all were 
then buried in a connnon grave. 

The latest information in our possession up to now comes from tlie wife of a 

Captain of the Polish Army — W P and concerns the slaughter of a 

certain number of Polish Officers in the Starobielsk Camp. 

On March litith 1942 P , whilst travelling by train from Djalal Abad to 

Krasnowodsk, made the acquaintance of a Russian aged about 70. who in the 
night when they were alont; in the passage, confided to her that he was from 
Starobiolsk and stated that in Starobielsk in May-June 1940 a mass execution of 
Polish Officers had taken place. He got this information from his daughter who 
at that time was working in the office of the Camp Authorities N.K.W.D. at, and he himself had seen with his own eyes the remains of a I'olish 
Officer Cf)l. Kwiecinski lying on the barbed wire. The daughter of the old man 
was collecting particulars connected with the execution and deportation of Polish 
Officers and passed some of tlies(> details to her father. 'I'he Russian renuMubered 

several names of the executed and handed them over to . The names are 

reading as follows : 














FRANKOWSKI, Eugeniusz, son of Adolph 













MAJEWSKI, Bronislaw, son of Stanislaw 


CZERNIGW, Aleksander 




TFRCZYXSKI, Bronislaw 









Appendix III 

"Summary of Facts" was prepared by Captain Mlyxarski and Captain 
CzAPSKi of the Polish Army, two of some 80 officers released by the Russians 
from Starobielslv prison camp. Both officers are known to me personally. 


Summary of Facts 
By a Polish Officer, ex-prisoner of war in U. S. S. R. 


On Sept. 17tli. li>39. the Soviet troops crossed the Polish-Soviet border 
on its whole length. Orders were given in all Polish units not to fire a sliot and 
to display no resistance, inasmuch as the Red Army enters Poland with the only 
aim to fight against the Germans together with the Polish People. It happened 
otherwise. The Soviet troops started immediately to capture and disarm the 
Polish soldiers and drive tliem hurriedly across the Soviet frontier. Enormous 
streams of officers and men were forced to march scores of miles to I'each distant 
railway junctions in U. S. S. R., from where they were dispersed in smaller 
batches eastwards and northwards. 

p. O. W. CAMPS 

During the early period all officers and men were gathered together in several 
transit camps, but later the majority of officers as well as a considerable number 
of NCO's were excluded out of the total lot and concentrated in three camps, 
namely : 

Starohielsk. near Voroshilovgrad, Donbass district ; 

Kozielsk, near Smolensk ; 

Ostaszkov, near Kalinin. 
These were called Polish prisoner-of-war camps. 


The bulk of the Polish Army captured in September 1939, amounting to 200,- 
000 men were not considered as POW's, but treated as ordinary criminals — 
"enemy of the people," thus confined to compulsory labor camps, penal servitude 
and alike, scattered over the vast Soviet Land — from the Archangel area up to 
the Alaska border. 




The only POW camps were the three mentioned above. That was in October 
198!> and lasted until April 5th, 1940. The strength of these camps on that crucial 
date was approximately : 





2d lieu- 






} - 





f 3,800 

1 4, .500 












15, 490 

Less the survivors at camp 
Griazovietz explained be- 


Total "missing" 



6,020 1 15,130 

The names of the 12 Generals missing : Stanislaw Haller, Skierski. Lukowski, 
SiKORSKI Fr., BiLLEWICZ, PlISOWSKI, KOWALEWSKI, Skoratowicz, Smorawinski, 
MiNKiEWicz, Bohatyrewicz, and Czeknicki, Rear-Admiral. 

On April 5, 1940, the Soviet Commandants of the 3 camps resi>ectively an- 
nounced the winding up of the camps. It was explained that all POW's will 
be dispatched daily in groups of 100-200 men and sent "home." The meaning 
of this word was unintelligible and spiteful. Those being sent to German- 
occupied territory would be obviously preys of the enemy, those, however, sent 
to Poland occupied by the Red Army, once "'free" w'ould tind themselves facing 
a similar danger. Father and son in few cases were separated to leave on 
different days, same occurred to many brothers, close akin and friends. Our 
entreaties were replied: "Lists once formed cannot be changed, but don't worry, 
you will all meet soon." Still, the overwhelming desire to leave these grim 
camps was so great, that all parties being deported each day to an unknown 
destination were heartily and almost merrily bade farewell by those who yet 
vemained. This process began on April 5. 1940, precisely timed in all 3 camps, 
and continued until May 12th. 1940, when the last small group of officers was 
deported. By sheer coincidence this date has been witnessed and confirmed 
by a few who have survived. 

special group 

Each morning a list was read by the local guard of tiiose POW's expected to 
leave that same day. On April 25th and later on May 12tli, a list was emphat- 
ically read and announced as a A-prc;V;/ (/roii/), comprising totally 300 officers 
and men. This was performed simultaneously in all ;'. camps, the fact being 
ch«H'ked by us later. This group was sent primarily to a camp at "Paviliszcxev 
Bor" near .luchnov, Smolensk Oblast, and a month later to the camp ''Griazo- 
vietz." 25 nules South of Vologda. After a siJell of 15 months these officers and 
men were finally released, as a result of the Polish-Soviet agreement of July 
30, 1941, and actually left the camp on Sept. 2. 1941, to join the Polish Army 
th«'n being formed in USSR. While at Griazovietz we were often told by the 
guards : '•Reinemiier — you are here on six'cial conditions," "We are taking special 
••are of you iiere" and so on. which was more or less true. We were treated 
fairly well. 

So(»n afterwards it be<ame known to everyone of us "survivors" that Griazo- 
vietz iras the oiilii I'oHhU I'OW rawi) in USSR sivce the disband in April WJfO of 
the .i larj/v anniix nnntioHcd above. 



Siuce the forming of tho Polish Forces in USSR most zealous and detailed 
investigations have been carried personally by the Allied and Polish highest 
-authorities in order to find and rescue the missing officers and NCO"s, but alas 
all efforts have proved to be completely fruitless. Not a single, man out of the 
missing mass had neither reported nor given any sign of life. During the 
organization period of the I'olish Army in USSR numerous reports received 
from third parties, now compiled at Polish GHQ in the East, have given ample 
evidence, that small and large batches of l^olish officers were seen or heard 
of in various northern districts including the Arctic Islands. All reports are 
in concert as to the time: May, June. July 1040 — -which coincides with initial 
date of the deporting from the 3 <'amps. Several reports tell us of an appalling 
story when 2 or 3 barges filled with 2 or 3.(X)0 men were deliberately abandoned 
by the crew and suidv in the ^V'hite Sea. It must be added, that besides the 
soldiers, who have perished in labor camps, and alike, and others being still 
in USSR though alive but unalile to Join (he Polish Forces. This terrific disaster 
might be easily proved i)y merely comparing the total number of I'olish soldiers 
captured in Se])tembei' 11>39 and the number eidisted anew into the Polish 
Porces now in the East. 


Appendix IV 

Excerpts of conversations between Slkorski, Anders, Stalin, and Molotov. 


■Conversation of the Polish Primk Minister Gen. Sikokski with the President 
OF THE Council of the 1'eople Co.m.missaries of the URSS Stalin, Which 
Took Place at the Kre.mlin on the 3.XX.in41 

Present : The Ambassador of the Polish Reiiublic Prof. Kot, the People Com- 
missary for Foreign Atfaii's Molotov, the Commander i. c. of the Polish Armed 
Forces in the URSS General Anders (he also served as interi^reter), and Molo- 
tov's Secretary. 

extracts concerning the qt'estion of the missing officer,s 

General Sikorski. P>ut I return to our business. I liei'e state in your presence, 
Mr. President, that your declaration of amnestj' is not being executed. Many 
and the most valuable of our people I'emain still in the Labour camps and in 

Stalin (making a note). This is not possible as the amnesty concerned all 
.and so all the Poles are released [he addresses these last words to Molotov^ — ■ 
Molotov assents to thenil. 

General Anders (quotes ])articulars at the request of General Sikorski). This 
is not in accordance with the real state of things, as we have quite precise data 
out of wliich it results that in the camps those released first were the Jews, 
then the Ukrainians, and lastly the Polish working elements chosen among those 
physically weid^er. The stronger ones were kept back and only a small part of 
them were set free. I have in the Army men, who have been released from such 
■camps only a few weeks ago and who state that in the single camps remained 
still hundreds and even thousands of our countrymen. The orders of the (Jov- 
■ernment are not being executed there, as the commanders of the single camps hav- 
ing the obligation of executing the production plan do not want to get rid of 
the best working material, without the contribution of which the execution of 
the plan could be sometimes impossible. 

Molotov ( smiles and makes a nod of assenting) . 

General Anders. Those people do not understand at all the great importance 
of our common cause, which in this way is being greatly prejudiced. 

Stalin. Those people should be prosecuted. 

General Anders. Yes ; so they should. 

General Sikorski. It does not belong to us to present to the Soviet Govern- 
ment the detailed li.sts of our men, but the commanders of the camps are in posses- 
sion of such full lists. I have here with me a list with the names of about 4,000 
officers who had been deported by force and who at present are still in prisons 
and in labour camps and even this list is not complete as it contains only the 


names which could be compiled by us out of memory. I ^ave orders to verify 
whether said officers were not in Poland as we are in i)ermanent contact with 
our country. It has been proved that no one of them was there; neither have 
they been traced in the camps of our prisoners of war in Germany. These men 
are' here. Nobody of them has returned. 

Stalin. It is not possible ; they must have run away. 

Andf;rs. Where to? 

Stalin. Well, to Mauchouria. 

General Anders. This is impossible that they could have run away, all of them, 
so much the more that with the moment of their deportation from the prisoners' 
camps to the labour camps and to the prisons every correspondence between them 
and their families had stopped. I know exactly from officers who ha've returned 
even from Kolyma that a yreat number of our officers is still there, each of them 
quoted by name. I also know that there were transports of I'oles prepared 
already for the release and departure and that in the last moment these trans- 
IHirts have been kept back. I have news that our men are sojourning even in 
Newfoundland. The majority of the officers quoted in this list are personally 
known to me. Anions these men are my staff officers and commanders. These 
people perish there and die in dreadful conditions. 

Stalin. They certainly have been released <mly did not arrive until now. 

(ieneral Sikorski. Russia has immense territories and the difficulties are 
also great. May be that the local authorities have not executed the order. 
Those who arrive after having been released state that the others vegetate and 
work. Had anybody succeeded in getting out of the Russian borders he cer- 
tainly would report to me. 

Stalin. You should know that the Soviet Government has not the slightest 
motive to keep back even one single I'ole; I have even released Sosnkowski's 
agents who were organising attacks on us and murdering our people. 

General Anders. Still declarations continue to flow in concerning jjeople 
perfectly known to us, quoting the names of their prisons and the numbers of 
the cells where they are confined. I kn(jw the names of a great number of camps 
where an enormous mass of Poles has been detained and is compelled to work 
further on. * * « 

conversation at the KREMLIN ON THE 18.III.194 2 

Present : The President of the Council of the People Commissaries of the 
URSS Stalin, the C. in C. of the Polish Armed Forces in the URSS Gen. Anders, 
Colonel r»kulicki, the People Comiuissai'y fm- the Foreign Affairs Molotov, a 


General Anders. Besides many of our men are still in prisons and in labour 
camps. Those released in these last times contiiuially report to me. Up to the 
prcsoit tiwc the officers (hported from Ko:ieJsl-, ^^ta nnd Oxtaszkowo 
have not made tlieir appearance, 'lliei/ should certdinlif he h>/ you. We have 
gathered suppleiiieiitari/ partievlars on them [he ho)id.s two lists that are taken 
l)if Mototor\ irhdt could have happened ivith them:' We have traces of their 
fiojouni on the Koli/ma. 

Stalin. I already have given all necessary dispositions foi- their release. It 
has been said that they even are on Francis Josepii land, and there, as it is 
known well tliere are no such people. / do not know where they are. Whif 
should I keep them? Mayhe that they are in some camps o^i territories now 
occupied hy the (lerman^, they dispersed themselr^es. 

Colonel Okulicki. It is impossible, we would be aware of it. 

SiALiN. We have kept back only these I'oles who are spies in the German 
service. We released even those who after passed to the Germans, as for 
Instance Kozlowski. * * * 

Appendix V 

Kxhibits A, 15, C, D, and E containing photostatic copies of original, type- 
wiilti'u coi>ies of original and translation of original depositions made by parties 
liaving knowledge of the otiicer.s in tlic tliree prison <:imi)s. Particular attention 
is (iillcd to Exliibit li. 



Minutes of Proceedings 

Recorded, on April 18, 1943, iu the Office of the Informatiou Officer O. C. XL, by 

the Senior Cavalry Sergeant , concerning the mass execution of senior 

officers of the Polish Army in the thereabouts of Smolensk. 

Has presented himself on sununous [deleted]. 

In case of all depositions witness identified himself and testified as follows: 

I was arrested b.y the Soviet autliorities as being the owner of an estate, during 
the occupation in 19."59/40 and was deported on November 2, 1940, to Kargo- 
polskie Lagiery-Arkhangelsk district where I worked at the felling of the forest. 
In the above mentioned place I got acquainted among other people with an 
Ukrainian Iwanow originary from the thereabouts of Kiev, who as a senior 
sergeant '"starszina"' had been placed in Lagiery Kargopolskie for having bought 
three suits of clothing in Grodno during the operations of the Soviet troops on 
Polish territories. From my conversations with Iwanow I learned that he had 
taken part in the mass execution of several thousand of Polish senior officers, 
which took place in the thereabouts of Smolensk in 1940 (I do not remember thp? 
date nor the month and could not fix them even approximately). The group of 
the Polish Officers was shot at from tanks, Iwanow was serving in a tank unit. 
The Officers were buried in one grave ("w odnu Kuczu pochronili" ) . The Senior 
Sergeant Iwanow was living near Poltava. He did not say liow numerous was 
the detachment of tanks that fired on the Polish Officers. Neither did Iwanow 
state wherefrom the Polish Officers had been brought to the thereabouts of Smo- 
lensk, he only exprassed himself that the transport that had been dragged from 
one town to another had been completely destroyed ("Otriad kotoryj byl piere- 
ganianyj z odnego miesta w drugoje — ostal uniestozen"). 

The above fact of the slaughter of several thousand of Polish Officers near 

Smolensk can be confirmed by of the 7 Inf. Div., who was with me in 

Kargopolskie Lagiery and who could have heard my conversation with 

or to whom I related the fact. has a better memory than I and can 

explain the matter in a more minute way. I cannot state exactly whether I 
have quoted correctly the name of Iwanow, I know only a "tractor man" of 
Kruglica as a professional specialist, and nothing more. And so have I stated. 
I engage myself to keep in secret the circumstances on which I have been 

Examined : 


Conformable to the original: 

Chief of the Outpost No. 5. 

[Official Seal of the Mil. Command of the Polish Army in the East.] 

Minutes of Proceedings 
Recorded on the 26.1.1943 in the Office of the Outpost No. 5 by the 

In case of all depositions witness identified himself and testified as follows : 
Warned of the responsibility for presenting false depositions I state herewith : 
In June 1941 I was going under ai'rest to the Labour Camps in Comi ASRR. 
From Arkhangelsk our transport numbering about 4,000 men and women had 
been loaded on a barge. The barge was hauled by a ship. We wei'e driven 
through the White Sea to the estuary of the Pieczara river during the sailing 
tlirough the White Sea when I was sitting on the deck and crying, I was ap- 
proached by a young Russian soldier from the barge staff and asked by him 
about the reason of my tears. When I explained to him that I was crying over 
my fate, that my husband, a reserve Captain had also been deported, the man 
declared to me that our officers were no more there. To my question where 
they were being now he answered with a jeer that all of them they had been 
drowned and precisely here in the White Sea. During further conversation on 
this subject I learned that this Russian soldier had driven previously a transport 
of our officers and policemen in two barges, the group amounted to about 7,000 
persons. On a certain spot the ship hauling the barges was detached from them 
and the two barges were purposely sunk. 


An older Russian also of the Barge slaff was listening to the conversatiDn 
and after tiie young one had withdrawn — he came up to nie and affirmed tliat all 
this was trnef This old man was showing me his great sympathy, he himself 
cried and related to have heen witness to the drowning of our Officers and of 
our Police. Before the sinking of the hjirges the whole Soviet staff passed from 
the harges on the deck of the ship hut previously they had punched the barges s<> 
that the water might quickly penetrate inside. When I asked whether nolxidy 
had saved himself I was told that all went down to the bottom. 

During my sojourn in the Starobielsk prison I saw on the wall of the vaixiur 
bathroom the handwriting of my husband who put liis signature and left a note 
stating that he was in the Staroblelsk prison and was deinirting for ''an unknown 
land."' I saw this note in December 1940. There was quite a lot of such notes 
and signatures on the wall — but the Soviet authorities destroyed immediately 
those inscriptions painting the walls with lime. There were there also other 
dates and other informations but today I cannot remember them. I engage 
myself to keep in secret the circumstances on which I have been examined today. 


Conformable to the original. 

Chief of the outpost No. .">. 

[Official Seal of the Pol. Mil. Command.] 


Recorded on the 1.VI.1942 in the Women's Camp at Rehovot 

In case of all depositions witness identified himself and testified as follows: 

On the 26.111. 1942 going by train from Djalal Abad to Krasnowodzk I made 
the acquaintance in the railway carriage of a Russian of about 70 of age who 
on the second day of the journey during his conversation with me confided to 
me that he was an adversary of the Soviet regime but that he could not betray 
his opinions on account of the terror of the N. K. W. D. This man had con- 
fidence in me as I was in the Uniform of the Polish Women Service and that 
talking with him T had mentioned that I was travelling for service matters. Be- 
sides he expressed himself with great feeling of the Polish Army who was being 
organised then. During our talk he said that he was originally from Staro- 
bielsk where there was a big camp of Polish officers. He stated that the White 
Guards were expecting a revolution with the outbreak of the Soviet-German war 
and that in such an eventuality the Polish Officers would have been tlieir 
leaders. He also said that the ancient Russian "Inteligenzia" owing to the in- 
fluence of a certain woman had organised an assistance to our officers, but 
this help lasted but briefly, only until the time of the deportation of said officers 
from Staroblielsk or eventually until the time of their mass executions. With 
tears in his eyes he related to me about the executions of our oflicers. about 
the symi)athy of the local population and of the common graves of our officers 
in Starobielsk. Owing to the circumstance that his daughter was working as 
typist or secretary in the office of the N. K. W. D. in the camj) of our oflicers 
at Starobielsk, she was collecting all the particulars concerning the executions 
and the deportation of our officers which i)articulars she passed over to her 
father and he Imd concealed the documents in question in his house. 

Out of the documents received from his daughter he had remembered several 
names of the officers executed by the Bolshevik authorities, hecpioted them to me 
requesting me to write them down and present the list to the respective Polish 
authorities. Tiie names of the Polish oflicers which T have written down on a 
slip of i)aper are : (1) Col. Kwiecinski — my Russian informator had seen his body 
lying on the barbed wires, (2) Kulakowski, (3) ,Jauczurowic/.-(^zaplic, (4) 
Szymanski, (5) Sniezynski, (6) FrankoAvski, Eugeniusz, son of Adolpii, (7) Col. 
Molodinowski, (S) T.,ucinski, (9) Myszakowski, (10) Tiisowski or Lesowski, (11) 
Pietkiewicz, (12) IMajewski, Brouislaw, son of Stanislaw, (i;{) Czerniow, Alek- 
snnder, son of Wasil, (14) Wietlec, (!.''») Turczynski, Brouislaw, (10) IMalanowski, 
(17) Dabrowski, (18) Kamieniecki. (19) Domanski, (20) Stankiewicz. 

I acclude the slip of paper on which I have noted these names. Said informa- 
tions were passed to me by that man in the passage of the railway carriage in 


the night when all the other passeugei's were slee>ping — when si>eaking about our 
officers in that camp he cried. I felt confidence in that man especially as the 
informations he gave me are true. The man declared also that if I or somebody 
sent by me would forward a messenger to him he would deliver all the particular.s 
concerning the execution of our officers as well as the place of their deportation, 
we then agreed that in order to make him identify the messenger who would come 
to fetch the documents in question, said messenger should mention whilst talking 
with him this journey and the fact that together with the old man was travelling; 
a woman in the uniform of a Polish soldier. He asked me naturally to do it 
with great prudence so as not to betray him before the Soviet authorities. The 
address which he gave me reads as follows : [deleted]. 

I state that I did not make any use of these informations in Krasnowodzk, 
as the ship with the Polish boys ( Junaki) was ready to start, I wanted to hand the 

paper with these information to col. at Pahlevi but he told me he had no 

time having a great deal of work to do and he instructed me to do it on my 
arrival here. The journey of which I have spoken lasted four days and the 
Conversation with the Russian took place on the 4th day of travelling. 

I enclosure [slip of paper]. 

wife of Cpt. on a. s. 
Examined : 

Conformable to the original : 

[Official seal of the Polish ^Military Command in the East.] 

MixuTKS OF Proceedings 

Rf'forded on February 11th. 194.';. in the Office of the Outpost No. 5 of the 
Evacuation Base Command of the Polish Army in the East, by the 

In case of all depositions witness identified himself and testified as follows : 
Warned of the responsibility of giving false depositions I declare herewith : 
Since November 1!>39 till the 12th of June 1940 I had been staying in the 
camp of Prisoners of War in Ostaszkowo (U. R. S. S.). In said camp there were 
about 6 thousand prisoners, chiefly men from the Polish State Police, from the 
Military Police, from the Frontier Guards, Prison sentries and Custom House 
functionaries, from almost all the Polish provinces. Together with us, privates, 
there also was a group of Polish Officers amounting to about 2 thousand. On the 
4th of April the Soviet Authorities started to remove the prisoners from the camp 
in parties of 70 people. Said parties were led away through the bridge into the 
forest. I was in the hospital at that time and so I was removed with a party 
of about seventy men only on June the 12th and conducted to the forest 
(Pawliszczy Bor). It was almost the last group removed from Ostaszkowo. 
After a fortnight we were taken to the Camp in Grazowiec. In this camp we 
found no one of our fellow prisoners from Ostaszkowo. We were inquiring of 
the sentries about what had happened with the other prisoners from Ostasz- 
kowo — the sentries were answering that said prisoners were now in other camps 
at work, but other sentries told is in secret that we never would see our fellow 
prisoners from Ostaszkowo as they had been drowned. I myself heard this 
information from a sentry. I state here tliat among the Soviet sentries who 
gi;arded us there were people friendly disposed towards us and these told us 
that the Soviet Authorities had drowned our fellow prisoners from Ostaszkowo. 
I engage myself to keep in secret the circumstances on which I have been 

Examined : 

Conformable to the Original : 
[Official Seal of the Polish Command] 

[Signature illegible.] 



Mil. Q. May 6th 11>43 

* * * When I mentioned to Commissary BER.TA the great number of our 
first-rate line officers from the Starobielsk and Kozielsk camps, he replied: 
Make a list of them, but many of them are not there any more, because "we 
made a great blunder." 

During a second conversation with the Commissary Merkulow, the latter re- 
attirmed once more the contents of the conversation of Commissary BERJA. 

Conformable to the original. Mil. Q. May 14, 1943. 


[Official Seal of the Pol. Mil. Comm.] 

from the declaration of the Leon in date of 18. III. 1943 

* * * I was not present when BERJA had made his statement about the 
missing Polish Officers, I know it from the narrative of Col. Gorczynski who 
was then pi-esent with Berling and Bukojemski. According to what CoL 
(JOKCzYNSKi referred to me at the time BERJA was to say that "they had made a 
great blunder" * * * 

Mil. H. Q. May 14, 1943. 

Conformable to the original : 


[Official seal of the Pol. Mil. Command.] 


Application for Pardon. 

Jangi-Jul, 29.III.194. 

To the Commander of the Polish Armed Forces in the U. R. S. S. : 


I report herewith that by sentence of the Court Martial No. 1. dated March' 
27th, 1942, I have been condemned to the exclusion from the Officers' corps andl 
to an arrest of one year and one month for the transgression * * * In Octo- 
ber 1940 whilst being submitted to an interrogatory by the National Commissaries 
Beria and Mekkulow in the URSS, at my and my colleagues' requests concern- 
ing the release of our colleagues from Starobielsk and Kozielsk both Commia-( 
saries replied at first that the above our colleagues had been sent by them toi 
Germany and then they unanimously declared to have committed a great blundefi 
in connection with the above-mentioned officers. (Bolshyie oshybki) * * * 

On concluding his declaration asks the Commander of the P. A. P. toi 

grant him pardon in the way of favour. 

Conformable to the original: 

Mil. Quarters 14 May 1943. 

[Official seal of the Polish Mil. Command.] 


from the record of the interrogatory of in the days from 21-25.XII.1942| 

♦ • ♦ When one came to speak of the question of Officers for this and for 
other divisions and when one mentioned the Officers from the camps of Staro- 


bielsk, Kozielsk and Ostaszkow, Beeja was to express himself in the follow- 
ing words: "We (thus had reported Berling and Bukojemski) made a blunder — - 
a blunder did we make. (Zdielali ashybku — ashybku zdielali" * * * 

Conformable to the original : 

Mil.Q. 14 May 1943. 

[Official Seal of the Polish Mil. Com.] 

Appendix VI 
Report on Polish prisoners of war in Russia. 


Command of the Polish Army in the East 

documentations office 

The Question of Polish Soldiers in the USSR 

I. how prisoners were captured 

The insidious and thus quite unexpected march of the Red Army into Poland 
has ended for said Army with a "victory" of which the most plausible proof 
became the great masses of the "Polish Prisoners of War." These expressions 
of "Victory" and "Prisoners of War" in connection with the events which were 
taking place on the Polish eastern territories in the second half of September 
1939 need some commentaries. The Red Army entered Polish dissimulating 
its aims and intentions. There were frequent acts of courtesy towards Polish 
detachments and towards single soldiers of the Polish Army. The assistance 
given to Poles in their struggle against Germany, the Polish Soviet alliance 
were being spoken of freely, these and other similar as.sertions caused a gen- 
eral disorientation. It is true that these words and gestures were at the same 
time contradicted by cruel action towards smaller military detachments, and 
above all, towards the Frontier Guards' detacliment, ruthlessly and bloodily 
liquidated, towards the police, the representatives of local administration auth- 
orities, but these contrasts so much the more intricated the whole question dis- 
orientating everybody. 

There was no Polish-Soviet war in the sense of a planned campaign in Sep- 
tember 1939 ; thei'e were some local frictions and encounters the result thereof be- 
ing a .success for one of tlie fighting parties, but not deserving anyhow the defini- 
tion of "victory." The number of prisoners captured in the fighting by one party 
and the other was minimal. Thus the Soviet "Victory" was very singular indeed 
as it altered the signification of the ideas accepted up to then. In general a \ic- 
tory over the enemy results in taking great quantities of prisoners, in this strange 
Polish-Soviet war in 1939 first had appeared "the prisoners of war" and then only 
"the victory." As to the places where the greatest numbers of the Polish Prison- 
ers of war were being captured, they were not at all connected with battlefields 
where grim fighting had taken place but almost exclusively with larger towns 
and railway junctions .-stations. Lwow, Tarnopol, Kowel, Rowne, Baranowicze — 
those were the main sources of capturing the Polish prisoners by the Soviet 

There were in the above places no combats with Red Army liut instead there 
were large "stoppage" points created by the retreating Polish troops fighting 
against the Germans. In general the coining in touch with the Bolslieviks caused 
on the part of tlie invaders the utterance of assurances of their quite pacific 
intentions and of proposals to the Polish troops to depose their arms whilst full 
personal liberty and freedom of moving would be warranted to every soldier. 
The situation was rapidly altering after the given detachment had deposed their 
arms. The Bolsheviks then led apait all the otticers putting t.em into improvised 
prisons and they let tlie privates free only to start bunting for them, killing them 
and shutting them in pi'isons or in camps. In Lwow, the I'ole.s having in front 
of them overwhelming forces of the united Soviet and German armies were 
confronting the problem which of the armies were they to let into tlie town 
Germans or Bolshevilvs. They chose tlie Bolsheviks and started negotiating 
with them. 

93744 — .52 — pt. .". 16 


The Red General who was piesidinj? the negotiations in the name of Thuo- 
shenko warranted out of his own initiative— peisonal safety, i)reservatiou of 
private property, freedom of movin.Li and the leaving of the city authorities on 
their posts. To the explicit (|uesti(iu of (ieneral Lanuer as to whether our 
soldiers would he aUowed to cross the frontier and go t(j Koumania and Hungary 
the entire Soviet Dehvi:ation declared in tlie attirniative. How firmly the as- 
surances of the Soviet General were helieved is proved hy the fact that General 
Langer spol<e of the question of feeding our soldieis during their travel home 
or abroad and stated that he would give them provisions for two days. The 
Bolsheviks accepted this with great satisfaction assuring they would arrange 
for the rest of the time. This agreement tliough luul lieen entirely cancelled 
by the Bolsheviks with the moment they got convinced of the loyal executing by 
the Poles of their engagements concerning their disarmament. 

The "capture" of "prisoners of war' in such conditions became thus an easy 
thing. The Bolsheviks put empty trains on the railway stations and were spread- 
ing rumours about these trains going for instance to Wilno.* There were always 
plenty of people willing to travel and thus the train ovei'crowded to the limits of 
possibility went straight on to the town of "Wilno"' which proved to Ije in result 
Szepetowka, Ostaszkowo, Wologda or some other locality in the UKSS. 

Thus were gathered the hundreds and hundreds of Polish "Prisoners of War" 
in the NKWD camps. 

II. THE prisoners' CAMPS 

The fate of these prisoners was not identical everywhere, it depended of the 
camp where this or other Polish soldier had been placed, of the category to which 
he was registered and of other quite secret factors. Whilst treating all the pris- 
oners as political tran.sgressors the Bolsheviks divided them into two categories ; 
under one category they inscribed all the ofTicers, the frontier-guards, the police, 
the frontier sentries, the militai-y police, the penitentiary staff and all particular 
"enemies of the Soviet", to the other the privates of the Polish Army. But in 
those groups there were still "under-groups" and individual exceptions which 
rendered difficult to understand the behaviour of the Soviet authorities towards 
the Polish prisoners of war. The camps of the prisoners were very different 
among them as for what concerned thi> conditions of life and the attitude of the 
camp authorities towards the prisoners. There were (for a very short time) 
some exceptional camps of the type of European camps where the in-isoner of war 
could enjoy the rights accorded to war prisoners by the deliberati(ms of interna- 
tional European conventions, there were camps-prisons. There were also thor- 
oughly "Russian" camp that cannot be defined by any other name, there being no 
establishments corresponding to them in the European States, not excluding even 
the German concentration camps as even in the latter there are some binding 
regulations and prescriptions, completely unknown to many of the Bolshevik 
Houses of Torture existing under the definitions of Camps of Prisoners of War, 
Labour camps &tc. 

A special attention was given by the Bolsheviks to officers, to the Police. &tc.. 
who. as soon as they had been disarmed, wer(> deported on the URSS territory. 
A part of the privates has been left in I'oland and imiirovised camps in private 
estates in barracks of the frontier guards and in army barracks, in nonactive 
factories &tc. A considerable number of privates had been placed in the Ko- 
/.ielsk and Szepietowka camps but after a month's sojourn there had been "re- 
lea.sed," that is, transferred to Poland and placed there in various camps pre- 
pared for them, a certain number of [privates up to the sergeant's grade had 
been really released by not for long. 

The Officers were, first of all, i)l;iced in the famous Szepetowka, the fame of 
which spread r;ii»idly througli<iut Europe as that of a mac,Mbr(> camp. They were 
after removed to other camps, mainly to Starobi(>lsk Jtiul Kozielsk. In both these 
camps a difference was made for Generals and Staff Orticers who were getting a 
somewliat better fare, apparently in consideration of the internatioiuU conven- 
tions but in reality at tlie aim to eliminate their influence over the vounger 

In all the camps the P.olsheviks were at that time spreading rumours about a 
near release of all the prisoners and their return lionie. They were also speaking 
about an (>xchang<' of the Polish soldiers originary from the territories of Western 
Pol.-md ■■igaiiist those originary from the so-called eastern boundaries who were 
in Gei'maii c;ii)l ivily. 'I'he prisoners were thus divided into 12 main groups 
("Germans" and •■Snwiecjarzi'" ) , then tliey were segregated according to the 


various provinces, lists and reports were being made, in one word all the prisoners 
were kept in a continual expectation of their departure home. The exchange of 
prisoners with Germany had taken place, it is as yet difficult to state in what 
conditions it had happened. A part of privates, as mentioned above, had been 
really put in liberty for a short time, but the majority remained in captivity and 
many of them .started being sent on singular journeys from one camp to another 
on the immense spaces of the URSS territories. Those "travels" caused a strong 
reduction of the prisoners who, after having been judged by default, happened 
to find themselves in camps of compulsory labour and got absorbed in the mass 
of millions of nameless slaves slowly decaying on the boundless and unpopulated 
siiaces of Soviet Russia, especially on the northern territories. 

The data po.ssessed by the Indejiendent Historical Office of the Polish Army 
in the East, state that in 1940 on the territory of the part of Poland occupied 
by the Soviet there were existing seventy-four camps of Prisoners of Wiar con- 
taining from several hundred to some 20 thousand Prisoners of War "'Privates" 
in each. On the URSS territory at that period there were 52 Prisoners' camps 
and in each of them there were groups up to ninety thousand men. The specilica- 
tions of the camps in our possession are not complete, the number of those in 
captivity was still greater, and above all it is difficult to get the right orientation 
as to the kind of some labour camps where near to civilian persons often Polish 
soldiers were working in entire groups. 


The exact establishing of the total number of soldiers deported from Poland 
into Russia is rather a difficult matter. It can be defined though as overpassing 
the 300,000. The official data of the Soviet authorities are far from enlightening 
the question but rather create more confusion around it. 

The tirst time the number of Poli-sh prisoners of war had been mentioned by 
Molotov, who at the Extraordinary Session of the Soviet Chief Council in 
the days of the 1 and 2 November 1939, presented a report of the URSS foreign 
policy and specified in detail the booty captured as result of the "victory" 
reported over the Poles. The total number of the Polish prisoners of war was 
then defined by Slolotov as amounting to over 300 thousand men. 

According to the data published by the official Soviet paper "Krasnaja Zwietzda" 
the "Red Star" (No. 21S in date of 17.IX.1040) the total number of the Polish 
Prisoners encloses 12 generals, about 8,000 officers, over 4,000 of n. c. officers and 
some 220 thousand privates. (The number of officers and privates amouting. 
in total to 230,670.) 

These data of course, although bearing an official character are not exact.- 
In reality the number of the prisoners was much greater and if we add to them 
the Polish soldiers interned in Lithuania and Lettonia and deported in 1940 
far into the dei)th of Russia as well as the soldiers caught singly and kept in- 
prisons and labour camps — the nunil)er of Polish prisoners of war will not cor- 
respond to the figures quoted by Molotov but will exceed them greatly. The 
Bolsheviks had arrested and reported a great deal of Polish officers especially 
in the first days of the occupation. The simplest method of seizing them was 
the registration of officers a)'! ensigns or the receiving of applications for the 
departure to the German occupied territories. The officers and ensigns thus 
identified were arrested and deported far into the depth of Russia to prisons 
or to labour camps. But the trace of many of them had been lost already in 
the prisons of Kharkov or Minsk. 

Such was the state of things in 1940. What changes had occurred In the 
course of the yearV We may find an answer to this question in the minutes of 
proceedings of the first meeting of the Polish-Soviet Mixed commission, that, 
on the IC. VIII. 41 started to work at the establishment of the principle of the 
organisation of the Polish Armed Forces in the URSS. We read in the Minutes 
of Proceedings : 

General Anu{';rs. Please, give me the exact total number of the reckoned state 
on which we can count by the formation of the Army. Besides please supply 
me with a list of officers indicating where they are sojourning at present. 

General Panfilov. According to our data the reckoned states of the ex-Polish. 
Army are being concentrated in three main points : 

(1) the Griszowiec camp — Vologda district (about 1,000 officers). 

(2) the Juz and Suzdal camps district of Ivanovo Wozn. (Privates up 
to 10 thousand men.) 

Besides this in Siberia and in the Ural country there is a certain number 
of Polish citizens. The exact number will be established later on. 


Thus, out of over a hundred Prisoners' of war camps in 1941 there remained 
only three, and out of three hundi-ed thousand and more prisoners but a small 
group. It should be observed here that the 1,000 officers and 20,000 privates 
restituted by the Bolsheviks are not entirely prisoners captured in Poland. 
Among the officers an overvk^helming majority was constituted by officers interned 
in Lithuania and among the privates also some sevei'al thousands came from 


All of a sudden all the Officers and about three hundred thousand Privates 
Prisoners of war disappeared somewhere. 

A small number of them got found later on and passing through numerous 
camps and prisons reached the ranks of the Polish Armed Forces in the U. R. S. S. 
In total out of the whole number of prisoners only about 300 Officers and under 
3 thousand privates entered the Polish Army. What became with 300 thousand 
I'olish soldiers? The privates had perished partly, the mass of them has been 
driven to compulsory work. The officers had perished all. The last informa- 
tion about them are connected with the liquidation of the Starobielsk and 
Kozielsk camps. Said liquidation took place in April and in May 1040. In the 
Starobielsk Camp there were about 4 thousand Officers, in the Kozielsk camp 
about 5 thousand of them, in the Ostaszkowo camp there were several hundred 
officers and about 7 thousand n. c. Officers from the Army, the Police and the 
Frontier Guards (KOP). The liquidation of the camp in Kozielsk started on 
the 3.IV.40, in Starobielsk on the 5.IV, and in Ostaszkomo on the 6.IV.40. The 
officers were taken away by small groups, from G5 to 260 persons (in the prison 
railway carriages 65 persons were placed in each) ; they were assured that they 
would be taken to a distribution camp and from there sent to Poland. In 
consequence of such assurances the Officers were willing to get away and 
those still remaining complained on the delay. The departing officers dressed 
with accuracy and put on their best clothes, and so for instance General Smora- 
winski put on for the travel a new uniform, with quite fi-esh distinctives of his 
rank (thus the good state of his uniform and distinctives is being explained on 
the exhumation of his remains). 

From Kozielsk the transports were sent away almost daily, causing many 
comments among the prisoners, optimistic in the main, owing to the suggestions 
spread by the Bolsheviks. On the 26.IV had started a transport of about 150 
Officers among whom were General AVolkowicki, Colonel Grobicki, Col. Kunstler 
and Boleslawicz, the Lieut. Colonels Tyszynski, Mara Meyer, and others. Said 
transport had been directed to a near camp at Juchnowo (Pawliszczew Bor) 
and after a sojourn there these officers were deported to Griszowlec near Vo- 
logda. Only this group had been saved and the officers contained therein enlisted 
later on in the Polish Army organized in the U. R. S. S. Where Jiad all the other 
groups been deported? The Officers sent to the Juchnowo Camp had read on the 
ceiling of one of the prison i-ailway carriages, an inscription, which, according 
to Lieut. Col. Tyszynski was reading more or less as follows : "They have driven 
us to one station behind Smolensk. Lorries are waiting for us. We get off now. 
Lieut. Col. Kutyba." 

Similar inscriptions had been seen on the walls of the Prison Railway Carriages 
by other officers deported from different places and in different periods of time. 
It is a trace indicating clearly the direction in which those from Kozielsk had 
been deported and stating that the place of their alighting was a station near 
Smolensk. In Kozielsk itself remained on the kitchen wall near the taps with 
hot water a small calendar of the transports that had been started from there. 
It begins with the date of 3.IV.40 and ends on May 12th, 1940. The particulars 
on the camp are rather vague. "We are here 5,000 Officers." Today has departed 
the first group of 100 officers. Direction unknown," etc. All the officers dis- 
api)eared near Smolensk. 

In Starobielsk on the day of which the liquidation of the camp was started, 
viz on the 5.IV.1940, there were about 4,000 people therein, S generals, over 100 
colonels and Lieut. Colonels, about 230 majors, 1,000 captains, 2,500 lieut. and 
2nd lieutenants, 380 physicians, about 30 Ensigns, and some ninety civilians 
in the main judges, public prosecutors, and functionaries of the State Admin- 
istration. Out of this number only 89 officers had been spared; they had been 
sent in two parties to tlie camp at Pawliszczew Bor or deported individually to 
other localities. What bi'canie of the main group of the Prisoners? The inscrip- 
tions on the walls of the prison railway carriages and the reports of the officers 


who had been saved, indicate that they had been driven in the direction of 

The Prisoners from Starobielsk were halted there so that on the 1.V.40 had 
been formed there by the transitory prison a numerous camp of Prisoners of 
war. The further route of Starobielsk prisoners was probably leading to the 

There are very few data about Ostaszkowo. It has been possible to establish 
some points concerning the movement of prisoners there only in the first period 
of the existence of the camp, that is the organization in Ostaszkowo of a common 
camp for Officers and Privates, the deportation of almost all the officers to 
Kozielsk, and the bringing at their place of n. c. police officers and of Frontier 
guards (KOP). The period of the camp liquidation is not known. 

As mentioned before out of the great number of Prisoners of War only about 300 
Officers reported to the Polish Army ; the Bolsheviks foreseeing that they should 
need for some scope a certain group of officers, chose 150 Officers from the Kozielsk 
camp and selected from the Starobielsk camp at first individually 12 Officers 
(one of them died and one was sent back to Poland), then they assigned a 
"special group of 63 Officers and lastly at the definitive liquidation of the camp 
16 Officers more were chosen by them. Almost all of those officers had been sent 
to Griszowiec. The Officers had been selected in a way to represent the diagram 
of our Officers' Corps. 

Only this handful had been saved. 

Since the first moment of the organising of the Polish Army numerous steps had 
been taken to trace the missing men. These steps gave no result whatever. Even 
the explanations of the Soviet highest authorities were in fact showing that these 
people were no more there. What then had happened with them? 

Various tracks attracted our attention towards the North. In Newfoundland, 
on the Francis Joseph islands, in Kolym and in other northern localities rumours 
said that prisoners in uniforms of Polish Officers had been seen. This is quite 
possible. It should be considered though that in the labour camps there were 
not only our soldiers but also Lithuanians, Letts, Esthonese, Finns, and others. 
The local population not knowing to discriminate between foreign soldiers could 
put to our account the vicissitudes of other nationalities. At any rate it is certain 
that all of them perished. 

But one should not limit the numbers of those missing to 10 thousand officers 
and 10-15 thousand n. c. officers. The camps of Starobielsk, Kozielsk and Os- 
taszkowo do not alas contain them all. 

The macabre graves near Smolensk as it seems have engulfed only the Prison- 
ers from Kozielsk and may be those from Ostaszkowo. The Starobielsk prisoners 
perished probably in the North, but what of the mass of the 300 thousand 
Prisoners of War? 

One should underline once more that out of the mass of over half million 
soldiers who had found themselves in the URSS less than 30 thousand entered 
our Army. And this is not all. The Bolsheviks have taken over 200,000 of Polish 
conscripts. Our endeavours to incorporate those conscripts into the Polish Army 
remained without any result, ^^"hat is happening with this best Polish military 
element nobody knows it. Probably they are bleeding in the ranks of the Red 
Army. Thus the problem facing us is the question of half a million of our 
soldiers in the U. R. S. S. 

Appendix VII 
Report on prison camps in Russia. 


Whilst considering the fate of the Polish Prisoners of War in the U. R. S. S. 
one should continually keep in mind the general state of things in the URSS 
and take into account the methods used by the Bolsheviks towards prisoners, 
prisoners of war, towards the deported, when investigating them or when es- 
corting them to th? place of thfir destined residence. 

1. Xiimhcr of campf;. — In November 1939 the Bolsheviks organised on the 
URSS territory not three camps as it is stated in the Min. O. N. communique 
in date of 19. IV. 43, but a great deal more of them. Besides the jxrisoners 
of war were sent to the URSS and placed in the numerous Concentration and 
Labour camps and especially to Szepetowka. In addition to transitory camps as 
those in Frydrychowka, Woloczyska, Jarmolince and others through which had 


passed thousands of our soldiers, permanent camps had been created, of which 
the larjiest were : Jelenowku ( Donetz hasiu ) , Juza ( Iwanowo-Woziiiesiensk area) , 
Karakub near Stalino ; Kozielsk, to the south of Smolensk, Kozielszczyzna, near 
Poltava; Krasnyj Lncz (Woroszylowsk area) Kryzwy Ostaszkow, Pawliszczew- 
Bor or Juchnowo (Smolensk area) Putywl or Tiotkino, near Sumy, Suzdal. 

Since 1940 one started sending the prisoners of war to disciplinary camps, 
where they were working together with the civilian population. Among the 
larger camps of that kind should be quoted Uehta No. 3 (Komi URSS) and 
Workuta (on the northern border of Komi and Arkhangelsk districts). 

There exi.sted and exist still a great number of camps on the immense spaces 
of the northern territories of Asiatic Russia where there were and are still 
Polish prisoners of war. We have no certitude as to how they have been 

In 1940 the number of camps wtiere our prisoners of war were kept amounted, 
according to the still incomplete lists, to 74 camps on Polish territory and 
to 52 in the URSS. 

2. What nudii the (lenoiiihmtioiis: SttirobUink, Kozielsk, Osta.szkoKo^ — The 
Bolshevik governing system uses among other measures the continual transfer- 
ring of people from jihice to place. The so-called fi-ee population is being trans- 
planted in mass from one place to another through vast spaces of territory, 
the prisoners iiiid the deported are continually travelling, the sense of these 
travels is difficult to grasp. The Polish soldiers in the URSS made no exception 
to the general rule and made quite unlikely, because deprived of any logical 
motive, compulsory journeys. 

Here are some examples thereof. (The camps established on Polish terri- 
tories are italicized.) 

Sergeant had resided in the following camps : 2S.IX.-12.XI.39 — Ko- 
zielsk, 30.XI.30— 20.V.40— Krzvwv Rog, l.VI. -/I.XIUAO—Antopol, 1.IX.31— 
31.XII.40— T«r7oro!r 10.I.30.IV.41 Woloczyska, l.V. — 28.VI.41— Teofilpol, 10. 
VII. — 26.VIII.41— Starobielsk. 

Corporal had been in the following camps : Dubno, Szepetowka, Nowo- 

grad Wolynski, Krakub, 92, 30, 25 "column" Komi URSS, Wiszniki. 

Senior Private : Kozielsk, Krzywy Rog. Tnliylowy Czcrlany Starobielsk. 

Private : Szepetowka, Busk, Ostra Gdra, Phigow, Plotycze Tarnopol 


Private : Busk, Holownlca, Tudoroiv, Horyii again Holownica and 


Senior Private : Szepetowska, Zahorce, Werba Radziwillow, Brody, 

Wielkie Luki, Zastaioie, Starobielsk. 

Sergeant : interned in Lettonia, then transferred by turn to Pawlis- 

zczew, Bor, Murmansk, Ponoj harbour on the Kola peninsula Arkhangelsk, 

Such examples could be quoted in a great number. But not only single per- 
sons and groups of prisoners of war and other deported were "travelling" thus — • 
entire camps were submitted to the same rule. It is why the tragically popular 
denominations of Kozielsk, Starobielsk aud Ostaszkowo need some comments 
so as to avoid misunderstandings. And thus Kozielsk has a threefold aspect. 
•Kozielsk had been organised at the end of September 1939 as a camp for Polish 
prisoners of war. Privates of the Polish Troops in a number amounting as it 
seems to 10 thousand had been sent there. Said camp had existed briefly, to the 
end of October only. All the soldiers were deported in Polish territory and 
placed in numerous then camps on the territories of the voivodates of Volhynia, 
Tarnopol and Lwow. In Kozielsk only 100 privates were left for husbandry 
work. These privates remained there the whole time of the sojourn of the 
Polish Officers. 

Kdziclsk No "second" is precisely the tragical camp of the missing Officers. 
That camp had been totally liquidated in May 1040. Since July 1040 till the 
end of .June 1941 there had been a "third" Kozielsk that is a camp for Officers 
n. c. ollicer, military police, the police for the frontier guards who were all taken 
by the P.olsh(>viks from Ijithuania and Lettonia where they had been interned 
in l(«al camps. In the third Kozielsk camp there was no one left from the pre- 
vious camp. 

Stauokielsk has had also different groups of Prisoners of War. In Starobielsk 
there was a permanent camp, a transitory camp and a prison. Thus in our Army 
there is a great number of those from Starobielsk. One should note in the lirst 
line the Officers' camp in Starobielsk which existed from October 1940 to May 
1941— the Camp of the Missing Prisoners. Besides this at the outbreak of the 



German Soviet war all the prisoners of war sojourning in camps on Polisli terri- 
tory were sent to Starobielsk. In such a way another camp came into existence, 
a camp where 12 thousand Polish privates were assembled, who, after the con- 
clusion of the Polish Soviet agreement enlisted into the Polish Army in the 
URSS. The definition "Starobielsk Camp" is not explicit enough as in the Staro- 
bielsk region there exist several large camps. The Polish Recruiting Commis- 
sion whilst enlisting the soldiers to the Army that was being organised had 
established the following figures : 

Camp No. 1 5,468 

Camp No. 2 3,760 

Camp No. 3 2,724 


In addition to those already mentioned there still was a fourth camp, where, 
as the Bolsheviks declared, there were about 600 ex-Polish citizens who took the 
Soviet citizenship. In this camp were, as it became known later on, young 
Poles incorporated by force to the Red Army. When speaking of Starobielsk one 
should mention which of the camps is in question or rather which i>eriod of the 
existence of the Starobielsk camp is being spoken of. 

OsTASzKowo played mostly the part of a transitory camp. We lack of detailed 
particulars about its existence and the evolution of its organisation. 

3. Hoiv many have perished? — It is a very dangerous thing to operate with 
"precise" figures concerning the perished officers. The mass slaughter of the 
officers is an appalling fact, but it should be remembered that a similar fate was 
met by thousands of n. c. officers and privates. One should rather generalize 
quoting higher figures. As point of departure should serve the three oflicial 
declarations of the Soviet authorities concerning the number of prisoners of 
war : 

Molotow (1939) 300, 000 

The "Red Star" (1940) 230,000 

General Panfilov (1911) 21,000 

The not too striking difference between the data of 1939 and 1940 and the im- 
mense difference between the data of the two first declarations and those con- 
tained in the last one of the year 1941 is very eloquent indeed. 

4. The rmrrdcring of defenceless victims. — The Bolshevik crime perpetrated 
on the Polish officers is so macabre as to become unlikely in the eyes of a 
European, but the mass slaughter is a common phenomenon in the U. R. S. S. 
Every transport of prisoners or of deported is being transformed into a movable 
cemetery, all the camps in the northern territories are living cemeteries from 
where only very few come back. The sending of a condemned to Workuta, to 
the Kola peninsula, to Francis .Joseph's land, to New Found Land, to Kolyma, 
to — is corresponding to a verdict of death — and our people are there now. 

5. Tortures. — ^By the investigations (dopros) which have nothing in common 
with the usual investigating procedure, tortures are always applied. The cruelty 
and the pathological inventiveness of the assassinators surpass the most morbid 
fancy of a European. These investigations (dopros) became one of the factors 
of the slaughter of the people. 

Appendix VIII 

Report on conscription for Bolshevik Army of Poles living in the occupied 
section of Poland. 


The Polish Citizens in the Red Army 

THE conscription 

The Bolsheviks had conscribed for the Red Army over 200.000 men. Out of 
this number only about 3,000 privates came to our Army. How the figui'e of 
200,000 is being reached? One conscriptit>n class in Poland gave an average 
200.000 conscripts. The exact data give the following pictures : 

The class of 1917 gave about 17.5,000 conscripts. 

The class of 1918 gave about 180,000 conscripts. 

The class of 1919 gave about 20.5,000 conscripts. 

The class of 1920 gave about 2.50.000 conscripts. 


The figures of the following classes were higher than those of the 1920 class. 

The Bolsheviks conscribed three full classes, viz the 1917, 1918, 1919 classes 
and three further ones that is the 1920, 1921 and 1922 classes only in part as it 
seems. The conscription has certainly been effectuated in the regions of Lwow 
and of Druskienilvi and doubtlessly also in other parts of the Country. 

On the occupied territory there were over 12,000,000 people, thus one class 
was giving there an average figure of about 70,000 men. 

The Polish Conscribing Commissions drew out up to 80% of recruits. The 
Bolshevik commissions were more inconsiderate and so they conscribed out of 
each class at least by 55,000 men. It should be added that in this part of the 
Country there were many refugees from the western territories in Poland who 
were also taken to the Red Army. 

The conscription was effectuated under a great terror. It was announced 
that the keeping away from military service threatens the transgressor with the 
capital punishment and his family with deportation to Siberia and confiscation 
of estate. The conscription had the character of a mass deportation of young 
people. The report No. 5451 states as follows : 

"On the 15.IV.1941 I had been incorporated in virtue of an illegal decision 
of the Soviet Conscribing Commission acting in Lwow in the years 1940-1941, 
into the Red Army. The mass application of tliis system of "mopping" the 
territories of Eastern Malopobka from tlie I'olish element dangerous for the 
Soviet Authorities, led to such a situation that in April 1941 only a minimal per- 
centage of Polish youth had remained on said territories. 

Independently of the Conscription Commissions the X. K. W. D. authorities 
were i)ursuing on their own account an activity in that direction organising 
"levies" to the Red Army, without any medical data nor even without verifying 
the year of the birth of the conscript. (There were cases for instance of con- 
scribing men born in the years 1900, 1903, 1905.) Such levies assumed a mass 
character when Soviet troops withdrawing from the Germans were leaving 
Polish territories. Besides of this very many pyhsicians were forced to enter 
the Red Army (About 200 in Lwow, about 20 in Rowne, there are no data 
of the numbers of physicians incorporated in the Red Army in otlier Polish 
towns ) . 

Thus the total number of the conscripts taken to the Red Army certainly 
surpasses considerably the figure of 200,000. 

Travel mid assignments. — The conscripts were driven under a strong NKWD 
escort in barred railway carriages into the depth of Russia. During the way 
they were suffering of the lack of water and food. They were given bread and 
fish in small quantities. They were not told whereto were tliey being taken and 
they were not allowed to get out from the carriage during the whole travel. 
They were assigned to already formed regiments or to schooling centres in 
various parts of the URSS (Uzliekistan, Caucasus, Bashkiria, Urkraiue and 
Central Russia). We have established the names of 36 localities. In some regi- 
ments the percentage of Poles was very considerable, for instance in the 123 
reg. there were 260 Polish Privates. 

Conditions in regtilar detachnicmts. — Accommodation in tents or in bug-infested 
barracks, in big towns in barracks. Food rather miserable : 60O grammes of 
bread and soup, often prepared with stale products. The monthly pay of a 
Private amounted to 8 roubles and 50 copecks, of which 2 rbl. and 20 cop. were 
deducted for ai-mament needs. Tlie prices of products reached in that period 
astronomic heights. The uniforms were old in the main, there were cases that the 
soldiers were manoeuvring in winter dressed in uniforms of ticking. 

The discipline was Draconian — on getting late when coming back from a day 
off on pass — three to five years of prison, frequent cases of martial courts. 

The Polish citizens were continually under observation, they were often called 
for investigations, were asked about their family circumstances, the state of 
their fortune, &c. Poles were often arrested and deported to an uidcnown direc- 
tion. In the 123 reg. stationed at Andizan (Uzbekistan) there were 260 Poles 
of which no had been arrested in the course of 9 months and driven in an unknown 
direction. When in Kirowobad (Tadjykistan) , in a regiment of anti-aircraft 
artillery a Soviet Officer had been accidentally shot during the shooting ma- 
noeuvres, four Poles were arrestf^l ajid submitted to tortures. Iteport No. 5450. 
"First of all in the Kirowol)ad prison they beat us on the heels, then they twisted 
the veins and tendons of our wrists with special implements of torture and they 
put pins under our nails. When this did not help they took us into an open field 
and after having blindfolded us they announced they would shoot us. Then, 


after a few minutes they gave several shots in the air and approached us asking : 
'Will you now say who did it?' After this they took us back into the barracks 
and left us in peace for a month whilst keeping us under strong observation." 

Notice : the above-described tortures were used frequently in the Soviet prisons 
of which we have proofs in a number of reports. 

In the army detachments the "Politnauka" (Notions of politics) was an 
obligatory subject during the lectures Poland, England, and America were 
abused and railed at. Antireligious propaganda was being continually practised, 
those wearing holy medals were boxed on the ears, the prayerbooks were taken 
away and burnt. In the detachments where Poles were fewer in number the 
treatment was slightly better. Many of the Polish citizens were sent to the 
front, in the main those originary from Polish territories occupied by the Soviet 
and who had no relatives in Western Poland. 

The ivithdrawal of Polish Citizens from the line. — On the outbreak of the 
Soviet German war all the soldiers originary from Polish territories had been, 
on the base of a confidential order of the Soviet authorities, withdrawn from 
the line. There are data that the Ukranians passed over in mass on the German 
side. Certainly not all had been withdrawn from the front, probably many of 
them are fighting up to now in the ranks of the Red Army. Those withdrawn 
from the line were treated as an unsafe element, they were chased to the rears 
as would-be criminals. Arms were taken from them and their uniforms ex- 
changed for tatters. The weaker ones who for lack of strength could not walk 
were killed during the way. For instance in one party only, during the march 
on the route Nikolaiev Starobielsk 128 Poles were given the finishing blow. 
Larger groupings of those withdrawn from the front were : at Orel 4,000 men, at 
Samarkand 5,0U0, at Czelabinsk 2.n00. At rallying points they were organised 
in so-called working battalions, that were then sent to various localities to work 
in factories, at the construction of aerodromes, at the cutting of forests and 
so on. 

The working hattalions. — The working battalions were under the patronage of 
NKWD. The life there did not differ at all from the life in the camps. The 
conditions of accommodation were dreadful : unheated clay huts in many cases 
without even board beds, or tents. Clothes completely worn out, lack of under- 
colthes and of shoes. The food was distributed according to the quantity of work 
done in one day, the standard of which was screwed up to the utmost limits. 
The only difference between a prisoners' camp and a working battalion was that 
the working men were considered as Soviet citizens endowed with full rights 
and thus every attempt to leave was being considered as desertion. The anti- 
religious and anti-Polish propaganda were continually at the order of the day. 

Dislojialty of the Soviet Authorities towards 'he Polish Government and the 
Allied States. — Notwithstanding the conclusion of the Polish-Soviet agreement 
and the engagements assumed by General Panfilov in the presence of General 
Anders C. in C. of the Polish Armed Forces in the U. R. S. S. (August 1941) the 
Soviet authorities did not release the Polish citizens from the Working battalions, 
but every attempt of escape on their part at the aim of joining the Polish Army 
was being punished as desertion — by capital punishment. Only from the battalion 
at the Niznyj Tagil locality (Sviedrlovsk district) a mixed commission released 
the Polish citizens in a more considerable number. A part of Poles came also 
from the battalions of Baku and Barylsk. Their number amounted in total to 
about 3 thousand men. 

The work conditions in the battalions as well as the treatment were of such 
kind that in spite of severe punishments many were attempting to escape. The 
enlisting to the Polish Army was the dream not only of the Poles but also of the 
Whiteruthenians, of Ukrainians and of Jews, which fact is being proved by 
numerous letters and applications addressed to our delegates and asking for 
their intervention. 

Heedless of the existence of the Polish-Soviet agreement the "Politrnks" 
lecturers at the courses of "Politnauka" (Political notions) did not stop their 
slandering at the address of Poland of the Polish Government as well as of 
England and America. Very popular were the expressions such as "the Imndit 
Sikorski" "his band" &tc. or such informations that "the English and American 
soldier is getting only 300 grams bread and soup once a day" that "a pick and a 
spade are prepared for the King of England in Siberia." One should consider 
that these "lectures" of the Politruki had an oflScial character as they were given 
according to the precise instructions of the Soviet Authorities. 

The requests for being released for the service in the Polish Army were an- 
swered cynically in words such as : "If we release you who then will work?" 


In iiiiiny cases those attemiitiiiff to escape were put before the martial court. 
Tlie intervention of the Polish Authorities fiave no result whatever as it is shown 
clearly in the reports of the [deleted.] In these last times (since two months) 
Polish citizens incorporated in various "drillin}^ detachments" are being directed 
to the station of Tatarskaia (east of Omsk) where now new drilling detachments 
composed of foreigners, Polish citizens in the main part, are to be formed. To 
all the Poles which are being sent to Tatarskaia the Soviet authorities explain 
that it is precisely thei-e where the Polisli Army is oi-ganised. The question of 
releasing the I'oles from the drilling battalions becomes more and more urgent. 
Always moi'e numerous complaints reach us. Poles leaving the battalions for 
enlisting in the Polish Army are punished as deserters. Two 19 years old Poles — 
Leszc/.ynski and Pukas were shot in December 1941 under the pretext of an 
attempt of escape from the 2.">9 U. S. AV. drilling detachment. 

The Soviet military authorities (Gen. Paufilov) engaged themselves at the time 
to release the Poles from the Red Army. I sent to General Panfilov a letter re- 
questing such release (dated 20.1.42 No. 124/42) I have received no answer up 
to now. Please inform me whether I am to continue to intervene or whether said 
intervention will be done by the C. in C. of the Polish Army [deleted]. 

There exists an engagement of Gen. Panlilov assumed by him durin-; his sec- 
ond conversation with Gen. Anders (in August 1941 — minutes of proceedings) 
stating that the Polish Army in the URSS will be formed among others with 
the Polish citizens mobilized to the Red Army. Basing himself on said engage- 
ment [deleted] came out several times with the request of the release of the Poles 
from the "Stroioddzialy" drilling detachments. Each time his intervention re- 
mained without any answer. < )n the 8 or 9 inst. the "Narkomat Oborony" Cen- 
tral Defence Committee issued an order to all the Obwojenkomaty-Military Dis- 
tricts in the URSS of registering all the Polish citizens being in the drilling de- 
tachments grouping them according to their nationalities. The date of the 
execution of said order has been fixed for the 17 inst. 

Since some time in the drilling detachments are operating conscription com- 
missions with physicians etc. defining the categories of abilities for military 
service of the soldiers of the drilling detachments. The order of registration 
caused the grouping of the Polish citizens most qualified for military service in 
sepai-ato detachments which are being sent in an uidvuowu direction. These last 
days have been sent from the drilling battalion No. 743 stationed at Krish about 
600 Polish citizens and every day from other drilling detachments from the 
thereabouts of Kujbyshew groups of about 10() men representing the best ma- 
terial are being deported. According to existing tracks they are directed to 
detachments where no registration nor evidence of nationality can be applied. 
Probably the same thing happens in other Drilling Detachments in the URSS. 
The slightest reaction or resistance on the part of the Polish soldiers is ren- 
dered impossible owing to most severe punishments applied for expressing even 
the desire to join the Polish Army. 

One should also state that in this area there is a great confusion and lack of 
consequence. There were some cases of the release of Polish citizens, without 
discerning their nationality, from the drilling battalions and of directing them 
to the Polish Army by the Soviet Military Authorities. In Swerdlovsk at the 
intervention of the Soviet registering officer (cpt. Kalaur) about 400 Polish 
citizens were released from the drilling battalion and then, after they had been 
formally accepted in the Polish Army by the Mixed Conscription Commission 
they were again incorporated in the drilling battalions. In that group about 
90% were essential Poles. * * * 

The MILITARY ATTACHE wlth the Polish Embassy in Ku.jbyshev, the ir).III.42. 

Some cases of punishment by the Soviet Courts of the Polish soldiers in the 
drilling battalions for tlUMr desire to join the Polish Forces : 

1. The Court M;!rtial in Glotowka (by Uljanowska) sentenced to death two 
Poles from the Lwow province, named I'ukas and for an attemi)ted 
escape from the 259 drilling battalion (students of the Military Preparation 
courses in (ilotovka). The sentence has probably been elTectuated. it had taken 
place in Novendjer or in December 1941. 

2. The Court Martial in Syzran condemned for 10 years prison and 15 years 

of (l('i»rovation of rights a Pole from Silesia named for an attempt to 

escape to the Polish Army from the No. 257 INIilitary Prep. batt. in Syzran. The 

detachment has now been transported to Cz(>]abinsli has been shut in 

prison. This took jilace in Decembei' or in Januai'y. 

.'i. In the Drilling battalion 757 in P.ozauczuk near Kujbqshev the Court Martial 
issued sentences against several Polish citizens, condemning some of them to 8-10 


years of prison and two of them to death. The names of some of them are 

and a few others. It is not known what sentence applied to which of them. 
They were prosecuted for attempts of escaping and for expressing the desire to 
join the Polish Armed Forces. They all have been confined and their fate is 

According to information, cases as those quoted above are frequent. 

For the General . 

It is not excluded that out of the Labour battalions individuals or groups will 
be chosen and sent to the front or, that out of them will be organised (may be 
that this organisation has already taken place) Units of the Polish Red Army, 
the formation of which is claimed with siich insistence by the Communist paper 
(published in Polish in Moscow and subventioned by the Soviet Government) ; 
"Glos Nardu" (Voice of the Nation) and by Wanda Wasilewska (Polish Com- 
munist Leader). 

Appendix IX 

1. The attached Bulletin No. 3, in French, was handed to me by the (G-2) of the 
Polish Army in the Middle East. He stated that he got it in Cairo, that it is put 
out by the Communists, but he does not know where, that it is anti-Polish. Bul- 
letin No. 1, was against the Yugoslavs, and Bulletin No. 2, against the Greeks. 
No. 4 has not been published yet. 


Partial Translation 

The recent ruptuie of relations existing between Poland and Russia is not an 
isolated event of discord existing between these two countries. At the discovery 
of the Polish graves outside Smolensk, and the offer made by the Nazis to the 
Red Cross to impartially investigate the graves, the common sense of the people 
was outraged. Their reaction was : 

If the Nazis propose an investigation, that means that they have staged the 
scene and are convinced they can convince the Red Cross Committee. Unfor- 
tunately, the Polish Government, without even asking Moscow for an exp'anation 
did accept the offer of Dr. Goebbels. Dr. Goebbels, above everything else, was 
trying to split the Allies and sow the seeds of discord between them. Genei'al 
Sikorski, on this occasion, played right into their hands. 

To permit the general public to form an opinion on the Polish attitude, we are 
obliged to go back and review the past 20 years of Poland's foreign policy. — (not 

The day that the Rritisli Government had the impudence to demand an investi- 
gation by the I. R. C. regarding the discovery of 10,090 Polish corpses, the C. G. 
in the M. E., Anders, already convinced, ordered his troops to hold a requiem 
mass for the Polish killed in Russia. 

Russia answered these Polish provocations as they deserved. They showed 
that one cannot rupture with impunity the sacred spirit of the United Nations, 
The public opinion of the world upholds it. 

To escape the consequence of a just anger amongst the British troops in the 
M. E. who hide neither theii" sympathy or their admiration for their Russian 
comrades, they tried to camouflage the injuries done to the Russians by relating 
in the English papers that the Polish Government had asked for an inquest to be 
made with the sole object of proving the lie to the Germans. 

The authority of the Sikorski Government, even if it is recognized in London 
and Washington, is strongly contested in Poland itself. 

For the last two years, the Polish Partisans have been helped, supplied and 
directed by the Russian High Command. 

Hand in hand, shoulder to shoulder, with their comrads-in-arms from the 
USSR, they are waging this terrible battle behind the enemy's lines. They are 
not interested in the political manoeuvers of General Sikorski, who is a rightful 
successor to the Pilsudski, Beck, Smigly-Rydz Company, who have brought so 
much misfortune on Poland. 

jMr. Flood. ] now show to the witness letter referred to by the gen- 
tleman from Illinois, now marked "Exhibit 10." Will you examine 
that, please, and is that the letter to which we are now referring? 

Colonel SzTMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Flood. We now offer that in evidence. 


Cliairmaii Madden. It is declared in evidence as exhibit 10. 

Mr. Sheeiian. Sliall I proceed, Mr. Chairman? 

Chairman Madden. Proceed. 

Mr. Sheeiian. Colonel, I referred to the letter of May 29. I believe 
that is in here, too. 

Mr, Mitchell. Yes, sir. It is the covering letter for all nine appen- 
dixes which were marked "Exhibit 10-A." 

Mr. Sheeiian. The second from the last paragraph, Colonel, if you 
<\'ill just read that for the record, so you will know what I am talking 

Colonel SzYMANSKi (reading) : 

A duplicate copy of this, less the photostatic and original copy, was put in 
the form of a report and sent through channels. 

Mr. Sheehan. Colonel, was there a specific request that you had in 
your orders to make this report in this manner or was this according 
to Army regulations. 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. It was neither specific nor Army regulations. 

Mr. Sheehan. You just did it the way you wanted to? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sheehan. All right, that answers that question. In your 
report you mentioned a little while ago that you talked about Wen- 
dell Willkie. You were interpreter for him? 

Colonel SzTMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sheehan. There is a part in your report where you refer to 
a conversation with Mr. Willkie's secretary. 

Mr. Mitchell. I don't believe that part is in the record, sir. 

Mr. Sheehan. Everything in there is in the record, is it not? 

Mr. Mitchell. No, sir. That is the point. 

Mr. Sheehan. Let's get that straightened out. 

Mr. Mitchell. We received quite a number of reports from the War 
Department. When we went over this for declassification purposes 
to strike out the names, we did not have the part that you are referring 
to now, present at that time. 

Mr. Machrowicz. May I see that ? I will tell you whether he had it 
there or not. 

Mr. Sheehan. I was not there. 

Mr. Mitchell. This is the entire matter we had present that day. 

Mr. Sheehan. It is part of Colonel Szymanski's report there. 

Mr. Machrowicz. May 29, 1943? That letter was present. We 
had that letter. The letter of May 29. 

]\Ir. Mitchell. Yes, that one ; but he is talking about the Willkie 

Mr. Sheehan. There was a report attached, the colonel's report, 
Avhieli was attached to these documents here, which referred to the 
])olitica] and military Russian situation. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Let me say this for the record. May I ask Mr. 
Korth, is there any reason why this should not be offered in the record? 

Mr. Korth. I don't know, sir. I haven't had an opportunity to 
read that. 

Ml-. ISrAciiRowicz. Have we had any indication from any one that 
t]wy didn't want this to go in the record? 

Mr. jNIiixiiKLL. No, sir. 

Mr. Flood. Take a recess of 5 minutes and let him read it. 


Mr. Machrowicz. I suggest ^Ye take a recess. I see no reason why 
that should not go in the record. 

Chairman Madden. Recess for 5 minutes. 

(Brief recess.) 

Chairman Madden. The committee will come to order. 

Mr. Mitchell. Congressman, this is exhibit 11. 

Mv. Flood. I have jnst been handed by counsel for the committee 
what will be identified and marked for indentification as "Exhibit 
No. 11." 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 11" and filed 
for the record titled "Polish-Russian Relations.") 

Mr. Flood. I now show the witness, Colonel Szymanski, exhibit No. 
11 and ask him to identify this as to whether or not this is part of the 
so-called Szymanski report. 

Colonel Szymanski. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Flood. It is now offered ill evidence. 

Chairman Madden. It is accepted in evidence. 

(The document marked "Exhibit No. 11" follows:) 

Exhibit 11 

Legation of the United States of Amekica, Office of the Miutaby Attach^, 

Caiko, Egypt 

IG No. 360O 
[Stamped:] Rec'd G-2 June 15, 1943. 
Subject : "Polish-Russiau Relations." 
To : Chief, Military Intelligence Service, War Department, Washington, D. C. 

1. A deferred copy of letter submitted by Lt. Colonel Henry I. Szymanski, 
covering 9 appendices pertaining to the "Katin Affair" is forwarded herewith. 

William S. Moore, 
Lt. Colonel, GSC, Military AttacM. 
From M. A. Cairo, Egypt. REPort No. 4395. June 3, 1943. 
Military Intelligence Division 
War Department General Staff 
G-2 Report, Poland 
Subject : Polish-Russian Relations. I. G. No. 3850 

Source and Degree of Reliability : 

1. Study of official documents. 

2. Conversations with officials of Polish Govt. 

3. Conversations with rank & file of Polish Army. 

4. Conversations with Polish civilian evacuees. 
The report is organized as follows: 

1. Basis of report. 

2. Brief review of relations prior to Bolshevik invasion, Sept. 17, 1939. 

3. Relations between invasion and Armistice, September 17, 1939-July 30, 

4. Relations from Armistice to October 30, 1942. 

5. Future Relations. 
Basis of Report: 

1. Study of official documents. 

2. Conversations with officials of the Polish Government in the Middle East 
and England. 

3. Conversations with the rank and file of the Polish Army in the Middle East 
and England (all former prisoners in Russia). 

4. Conversations with hundreds of Polish civilian evacuees out of Russia — 
men, women, and children (all ages). These were sworn to silence by the Polish. 
Government and Army authorities in order not to jeopardize the Polish-Russian, 
relations. They were released from their oath in order to tell their stories. No' 
other foreigner was accorded that privilege. 

From : Liaison Officer to Polish Army. Date : November 22,. 1942. 


(November 23, 1942) 
Polish-Russian Rklations 

1. Basis of report. 

2. Brief review of relations prior to Bolshevik invasion, September 17, 1939. 

3. Relations between invasion and Armistice, September 17, 1939-July 30, 1941. 

4. Relations from Armistice to October 30, 1942. 

5. Future Relations. 


1. Pictures taken by Lt. Col. Szymanski. 

2. Case Histories taken by Lt. Col. Szymanski in Pahlevi and Teheran. 

3. Copy of a letter written to an American communist by his brother, who 
spent 2 years in Russia as a deportee. 

4. Copy of extract from Soviet memorandum on Polish Citizenship. 

5. Translation of memorandum prepared in London for Lt. Col. Szymanski 
at beiiest of General Sikorski on Polish Citizenship of non-Polish Nationals. 

Polish-Russian Relations 

Relations Prior to Bolshevik Invasion {Sept. 17, 1939) 

This chapter will be very brief because the subject matter is covered in various 
book.s, pamphlets, and reports. It does provide a background for an under- 
standing of subsequent relations. 

1. There existed between Poland and the Soviet Republic a pact of non- 
aggression dated July 25, 1932, which on May 5, 1934, was extended to December 
31, 1945. 

2. Despite the strong misgivings occasioned by the German-Soviet Pact of 
Aug. 23, 1939, a general impression of good will towards Poland prevailed on 
the part of the Soviets. 

3. On Sept. 17, 1939, the Polish Ambassador to the U. S. S. R. was read a note 
in the Krcmlhi to the effect that : a. The Soviets regarded the I'olish Government 
as disintegrated, and the Polish State as having, in fact, ceased to exist ; ft. That 
consequently all agreements between the two countries were rendered invalid; 
c. That Poland without leadership constituted a threat to the U. S. S. R. ; d. That 
the Soviet Government could not view with indifference the fate of the Ukrain- 
ians and White Russians living on Polish territory ; e. That, accordingly, the 
Soviet Government had ordered its troops to cross the Polish border for their 
protection; /. And that the Soviet Government proposed to extricate the Polish 
people from the unfortunate war into which they were dragged by their unwise 
leaders and enable them to live a peaceful life. 

4. The entrance of Bolshevik troops came as a distinct surprise to the popula- 
tion, the civil, and the military authorities. From conversations, I gathered 
that the Bolshevik conmianders had two sets of order.s — one, a directive for 
peaceful entry as a supposed ally of the Poles, and the other, to be read when 
certain ijoiuts were reached, of an entirely different purport. 

5. The entry of the Bolshevik troops was actually an invasion. 

Relations bctn-cen the Invasion and the Armistice (Sept. 17, 1939~July 30, 1941) 

1. The first impression which the Bolshevik invasion pi'oduced indicated that 
it might be limited to a military occupation. Business was allowed to be carried 
on, and employees in private and public undertakings were ordered to remain 
at their posts. There was no visible interference with religion. 

2. However, there soon followt^l an emigration from liussia of Oflicers' fam- 
ilies, civil administrat(u-s, commissars, and the O. G. 1'. U. (political police), and 
it soon became apparent what was in store for the occupied land. 

3. There began a contiscation of hiiid, all cliurch property, raw materials, 
iiijicliinery, stocks of comiuodities, livestock, furniture, not only from factories 
and government buildings but jn-ivate dwellings as well, railway rolling stock, 
farm produce; these were all exported to Russia. All bank and savings deposits 
over 30() Zlotys (about $60,000) were confiscated. In December 1939, the Bol- 
sheviks withdrew tlie Zioty from circulation and made no provision for even a 
nominal exchange against the rnble. The people were thus stripped of every- 


4. All trade unions were abolished. Workers' wages remained low despite 
rising prices. The unemployment problem was solved by voluntary deporta- 
tion to Russia. The peasants and small farmers were forced to join the "Kol- 
hoz," a form of collective farming, where they soon learned that they had no 
liberty to exchange their product for industrial commodities. 

5. Political persecutions were soon begun and directed against (1) all party 
leaders, except communists; (2) local educated people, and (3) well-to-do 
peasants (mostly soldiei's who had fought against Bolsheviks in 1920 and were 
settled in Eastern Poland). The Russian language became the language of 
these provinces. 

6. Early in 1940 began the wholesale deportation of Poles to Kazakstan, Tur- 
kestan, Siberia, etc. Their number is estimated as between 1,000,000 and 2,000,- 
000 men, women, and children. There is every indication that this mass de- 
portation was not a haphazard affair. Quite the contrary — it appears that 
the plan was very carefully worked out, and its purpose was the extermination 
of the so-called intelligentsia of Eastern Poland. Those deported were ofHcers 
and their families, all government officials and police, professional men, edu- 
cators, prosecutors, judges, and all former soldiers (those who fought against 
the Bolsheviks in 1920) who were settled in Eastern Poland and had become 
prosperous peasants. Families were broken up and in many cases the husband 
shot. Very little time was given for preparation. One or two suitcases were 
all that was permitted to he taken. Fifteen minutes to an hour was the time 
allowed for packing. The travel was mostly in tx'ucks or cattle cars and the 
journe.vs lasted up to 26 days without any sanitary conditions, means of exer- 
cise, facilities for sleep, purchase of food, etc. 

7. Once the destination was reached in Siberia, Franz Joseph Island, Arch- 
angel, Mongol Provinces, or Malaria-infe.sted Kazakstan, living conditions, and 
working conditions became intolerable. The destinations were forced labor 
camps, concentration camps, and prisons. Officers like Generals Anders. Boruta, 
Tokarzewski, Rakowski, etc., were either in solitary confinement or shared cells 
with Russian political prisoners. General Tokarzewski was in solitary con- 
finement for 17 months. General Boruta was confined for seven months, and 
was tortured I'epeatedly by denial of his daily portion of bread and soup (con- 
taining no fat) and then given a sumptuous meal, only to be denied even water 
for 3 or 4 days. 

S. The deportees were assigned work in coal and iron mines, on the laying 
of roads and railroads, on irrigation projects, in forests, on construction of 
buildings, on farms. No discrimination was shown between men and women. 
A woman had to cut and pile as much wood as a man, she had to carry 
15 lbs. of bricks or mortar, she had to excavate 9V^ cubic meters twice-shifted de- 
spite the fact that the normal excavation was 6 cubic meters. That was the task 
for the day. They were paid accordingly. The pay bought just eiidugh bread 
to keep body and soul together. If anyone fell below the quota, he or she, 
was docked and consequently could not buy enough bread. Soup was thrown 
in, which, at times, had in it a few shreds of cabbage; meat, fat, vegetables, 
and fruit were not to be had. 

9. Quarters were overcrowded, sleeping was on the floor or ground, there 
was either no heat or very little, and no sanitary conditions were provided. 
Rats had the play of all dwellings. The sick wei-e not isolated and medicines 
were not available. Because of the lack of vitamines. scurvy, beriberi, and 
many other diseases were prevalent. Night i)lindness and loss of memory re- 
sulted from the same causes. The condition of the teeth of all Poles is very 
liad. This is also due to lack of vitamines. Pictures taken by me in Pahlevi 
indicate the privations that those people had to undergo in the land of the Soviets. 

10. The children had no chance. It is estimated that nO% have already died 
from malnutrition. The other 50% will die unless evacuated to a land where 
American help can reach them. A visit to any of the hospitals in Teheran will 
testify to this statement. They are filled with children and adults who would 
be lietter off not to have survived the ordeal. 

11. Women not accustomed to hard manual labor and conseciuently not able 
to earn enough for their daily bread had a choice of starving to death or sub- 
mitting to the Bolshevik or ^Mongol supervisor. In one sense their condition 
was bettered — they had something to eat. When a.sked by me whether they 
worked hard, a reluctant answer of, '"I wanted to live," would be given me. The 
Polish military medical authorities are taking blood tests to determine the 
number of venereals among women. The tests were not completed pi'ior to 
my departure, but the results will be handed me. 


12. The so-called intelli.uentsia — the professionals, the educators, the Gov- 
ernment officials, etc., were not used to manual labor, and consequently not as 
able to take care of themselves as were the prosperous peasants. Hundreds of 
these have died. Stalin has succeeded adniiraldy in the extermination of (his 
class — the leaders of Poland. Overwork and undernourishment plus unsanitary 
living- conditions have done the .iob of bu'lets. 

13. The lot of the prosperous peasants, most of them former soldiers who 
fought against the B )]sheviks in 1920. was particularly hard. My contacts 
must ha\'e numbered close to a hundred. Everyone of these former soldiers 
that I spoke to was given the 3rd degree and repeatedly tortured by the 
N. K. W. D. (Gestapo). Most of them were given severe prison sentences on 
no other charge, except that they fought for their country against the Bolsheviks 
in 1920. 

14. With a few exceptions, no charges were made against the deport<ies. 
There was no trial. Sentences were pronounced by the M. K. W. D. All were 

Relations Between the Period July 30, 1941-Oct. 30, 19-'j2 

1. On June 22, 1941, Germany attacked Russia. On July 30, 1941, the Polish- 
Soviet agreement was concluded. The text is a follows : 

"1. The Government of the U. S. 8. R. recognizes the Soviet-German treaties of 
1939 as to territorial changes in Poland as having lost their validitij. — The Polish 
Government declares that Poland is not bound by any agreement with any third 
Power which is directed against the U. S. S. R. 

2. Diplomatic relations will be restored between the two Governments upon 
the signing of this Agreement and an immediate exchange of Ambassadors will 
be arranged. 

3. The two Governments mutually agree to render one another aid and support 
of all kinds in the present war against Hitlerite Germany. 

4. The Government of the U. S. S. R. expi'esses its consent to the formation on 
the territory of the U. S. S. R. of a Polish army under a Commander appointed 
by the Polish Government in agreement with the Soviet Government, the I'olish 
army on the territory of the U. S. S. R. being subordinated in an operational 
sense to the supreme command of the U. S. S. R. upon which the Polish army 
will be represented. All details as to command, organization and employment 
of the force will be settled in a subsequent agreement. 

5. This Agreement will come into force immediately upon signature and with- 
out ratification." 

"Proetocol. — The Soviet Government grants an amnesty to all Polish eitizens 
now detained on Soviet territory either as prisoners of war or on other sufficient 
grounds, as from the resumption of diplomatic relatione." 

After the signature of the Agreement, the British Foreign Secretary, Mr. Eden, 
handed General Sikorski a note in the following terms : 

"On the occasion of the signature of the Polish-Soviet Agreement of today's 
date, I desire to take the opportiuiity of informing you that in conformity with 
the provisions of the agreement of mutual assistance between the United Kingdom 
and Poland of August 2.")th. 19.'19, lis Mii.jcsty's Government in the United King- 
dom have entered into no undertaking towards the U. S. S. R. which affects the 
relations between that country and Poland. / alxo dcnire to a.ssiirc yoii tlutf ///.s' 
Majesty's Government do not recogni::e any territorial changes tchich have been 
effected in Poland since August, 1039." 

GtMieral Sikoi-ski handed Mr. Eden a reply in the following terms: 

"The I'olish Government take note of your Excellency's letter dated July 30, 
1041, and desire to express sincere satisfaction at the statement that His Ma- 
jesty's Government in the United Kingdom do not recognize any territorial 
changes which have been effcM'ted in Poland since August. 1939. This c(n-responds 
with the view of the Polish Government, which, as it has previously informed 
His Majesty's Government, has never recognized any territorial clninges ef- 
fected in Poland since the outbreak of the present war." 

II. 1. TIm- Protocol has a siunifirant Iteariu'-C upon the relations during this 
period. The term "Polish Citizens" in the "Protocol" has caused considerable 
friction in the relations and a great deal of misnnderstanding. In my study 
of the official correspondence between Mr. Kot, Polish Ambassador in Russia, 
and the Soviet Government, I observed that to the Poles the term "Polish Citi- 
zens." implied all citizens of Poland as recognized in its constitution, regardless 


of origin. That meant tiiat the socalled minorities, the White Russians, Ukrain- 
ians and Jews living in Eastern Poland were citizens in the same sense as the 
people of strictly Polish origin. The Soviets, after about three months of the 
existence of the agreement, gave the term the interpretation that it referred only 
to the people of strictly Polisli origin. 

1'. After the invasion of September 17, 1939, the Soviets had held a plebescite 
in occupied Poland. All the candidates proposed by the Soviets were elected. 
There were no other candidates. Eastern Poland was thus joined to the Soviet 
Republic. Soviet citizenship papers were issued to all inhabitants of the Soviet- 
occupied part of Poland. All became citizens of the Soviet Republic. All papers 
of identification of the deportees were taken away from them, and in their place 
were issued the Soviet citizenship papers. Reference to the date November 1, 
1939, in subsequent paragraphs and in attached translations of Polish reports 
is in effect a reference to the plebescite and the issuance of citizenship paiiers. 

In order to get help to the Polish citizens liberated by the agreement of July 
30th, the Polish Ambassador made several proposals such as the appointment of 
Polish Consuls, tl)e Polish Red Cross aid and the formation of committees to 
deal with the civilians. These the Soviets turned down. Finally, after a direct 
appeal of General Sikorski to Stalin in December 1941, the Soviets agreed to 
grant the Poles a loan and to the appointment of 20 delegates who would deal 
directly with the liberated Polish civilians. Of the 20 delegates, nine had dip- 
lomatic status. The delegates and their assistants, numbering around 100 in all^ 
were sent to various localities in Russia. To them the liberated Polish citizens 
came for food, clothing, financial help, and instructions as to future action. As 
a means of future identification the delegates issued Polish passports to the 
citizens reporting to them. 

3. At first the delegates encountered no difficulty in their activities. However, 
in April 1942, the Soviets began restricting the delegates as to the localities in 
whicli they could work. The Soviet Foreign Ofiice further demanded from the 
E^mbassy that the delegates cease intervening and cease seeking information 
from the local authorities concerning the masses of Polish citizens still held in 
camps and prisons. The Soviet authorities began to make it impossible for the- 
Polish embassy to render help to the Polish citizens of Jew^ish, White Russian or 
Ukrainian origin. These the Soviets assumed to be citizens of the U. S. S. R. 
by a unilateral declaration. 

4. In June, 1942, the Soviets made difficulties for Polish couriers in their 
attempt to reach the Polish Embassy. About this time the Soviets began to 
arrest some of the assistants to the delegates. The charge was that these assist- 
ants were conducting propaganda against tlie Soviets. 

5. At the end of June the Soviets arrested the Polish delegates to Vladivostok 
and Archangel despite their diplomatic passports. On July 10, they were relea.sed 
on protest of the Polish Ambassador. About July 15. all the delegates and their 
assistants were arrested, their papers, reports, and personal files confiscated. 

6. On July 20, the NKWD (Gestapo) notified the Polisli Minister that the 
work of the delegates must cease, on the charge that all the delegates and their 
assistants were carrying on espionage and propaganda against the Soviets. 

7. The NKWD liquidated such Polish agencies as orphanages, homes for in- 
valids, and kitchens where free meals were served. With the delegates under 
arrest and above agencies liquidated, the Polish civilian population in Russia 
was left to its own wits or starvation. 

8. Tlie attempt of the Polish Government to persuade the Soviets to facilitate 
the evacuation of ,50,000 Polish children, whose lot was particularly difficult, was 
also fruitless. 

9. The Polish officials and our Minister in Teheran, Mr. Dreyfus, told me that 
Stalin promised our President that 10,000 children (orphans) would be evacu- 
ated immediately. That was not done prior to my departure from England on 
Oetolier 29, 1942. 

10. Nine of the delegates were released in August and came directly to 
Teheran where I contacted them. The rest of them remained in prison, charged 
but not tried. 

11. For Mr. Kot, Deputy Prime Minister and former Polish Ambassador to 
Russia, I translated to IMr. Wendell Willkie in Teheran. In the translation was 
a message from General Sikorski to Mr. Willkie asking him that he intervene 
with Stalin on the following points : 

a. Release of the delegates and the assistants. 

b. Evacuation of the 10,000 orphans. 

c. Evacuation of the 50,000 children. 
93744 — 52— pt. 3 17 


12. In Scotland on October 22, 1942, General Sikorski informed me that he 
had jtist received a dispatch that 70 of the delegates were released and that 
the remaining 14 were held and will be tried on a charge of spreading anti- 
Bolshevik propaganda. 

13. a. The Polish Ambassador, Mr. Kot, made repeated requests for the release 
from prison of Polish citizens. Promises were always made and not kept; 

b. the Ambassador made repeated requests that the Soviets give him a list 
containing the names and the places of detention of Polish citizens. Again 
promises were made and not Ivept. 

c. When liiiall.v Mr. Kot fnrnislied the NKWD a list of some 4,5(10 of the more 
promised Poles and their places of detention, he was furnished replies pertaining 
to 1,500 of whom 1,000 were released, but the date and place of release were 
not given. 

d. The Polish Embassy knows the location of some 65 camps and prisons 
where Poles are still detained. 

c. In November, 1941, Molotov notified Kot that all Poles were released from 
detention, and yet the Soviet Foreign Office in January, February and March, 1942, 
notified Kot that Poles were still being released from detention. 

/. When only few of the so-called minorities, all citizens, were permitted to 
join the Polish Army, the protests from Kot brought forth the answer from the 
NKWD that those were Soviet citizens and therefore not eligible for the Polish 

g. When civilians of the so-called minorities made application to the Polish for evacuation and were given passports due them as Polish citizens, 
the NKWD detained them at Tashkent, Yangi-Yul, and Ashkabad, the p<jints 
of embarkation, to Iran. 


1. Polish-Soviet relations are marked by differences which are in my humble 
opinion irreconcilable. 

2. These differences are irreconcilable at present because (a) the Soviets did 
not carry out their end of the Polish-Soviet non-aggression pact ; (t)) the Soviets 
are not carrying out the provisions of the Polish-Soviet Agreement of July 
30, 1941; (c) Stalin's promises to Sikorski and Roosevelt are not being kept; 
(d) there are still some 900,000 Polish citizens, deportees, in Russia, slowly being 
exterminated through overwork and undernourishment; (e) there are still some 
50,000 Polish children slowly dying of starvation. 

3. If the Soviets forsake their communistic and imperialistic aspirations, there 
is a good chance that peace may reigii in the Eastern part of Poland. 

4. The Polish Government and army officials are making a determined effort 
to reconcile the differences. The attitude of the Government is realistic. 

5. Thousands of families broken up, deported, tortured and starved cannot 
so easily forget the immediate past — young men just out of Russia, young men 
six months out of Russia ask not for bread, l)ut for rifles — willing to die, provided 
they can bag their toll of Nazis and then of Bolsheviks. 

Henry I. Szyiianski, 

Lt. Colonel, Infantry, 
Liaison Officer, to Polish Army. 



Enclosure No. 1 

Keport on Polish-Russian Relations, Lt. Col. H. I. Szymanski, U. S. Army, 

Nov. 22, 1942 

Photo by Licutcuaiu LoKniei Szymanski, U. S. Arm.y. 

Six-year-old boy, Polish evacuee from Russia, August 1942. 

(See par. 10 of Report on Polish-Russian Relations Between Sept. 17, 1939-July 30, 1941, 

p. 455) 



I'hoto by LieuteiiJUit Culoncl Szyiniiiiski. U. S. Army. 

Twelve-year-old boy, Polish evacuee from Russia, August 1942. 

I'lioio by Lieutenant Colonel Szyuianski, U. S. Army. 

Ten-year-old girl, Polish evacuee from Kussin, August l!t42. 



'1 I 

Photo hy Lieutenant Colonel Szymanski, U. S. Army. 

Three sisters, ages 7, 8, and 9, Polish evacuees from Russia, August 1942. 

Enclosure No. 2 

Report on Polish-Russian Relations, Lt. Col. H. I. Szvmanski, U. S. Army, 

Nov. 22, 1942 

Case Studies — Polish Evacuees in Teheean 

first informant 

I was employed as a gamekeeper on an estate and owned a small farm, 
approx. 5 hectares. Upon the arrival of the Soviet autliorities I was arrested, 
■on the 14 December 1939, and eniprisoned at Molodeczuo. After 6 numths there 
I was transferred to tlie prison at Orsza. In prison during inquiries I was 
accused of carrying out my duties too conscientiously, communicating with the 
Polish police authorities and officers beh)nging to the Polish Frontier Guard 
^ Corps, finally for hiding Polish Officers. During these inquiries I was subjected 
to very cruel treatment, I was beaten and forced to report about other Poles, 
false statements. I was sentenced to S years of labour in camp. I was de- 
ported to Kalyma. During the journey, I learned that my wife was deported 
to Swiei'dU)skaja Oblast in February 1940. In the Labour Camp I had to work 
on the railway line. The work was very heavy. Food received after the quota 
of work was carried out : 700 gr. of bread and twice daily oat soup made with 
salted fish. No salary. I was ill and had a rupture, but had to woi-k on. 
Living dwellings in barracks vei'y dirty and full of lice. Very bad treatment 
and we very often were beaten. I was released when the Anmesty for Poles 
was in force on the 25.9.1941. 



I was arrested by NKWD authorities on the 14.8.1940 and imprisoned at Lida. 
I do not linow what happened to ray family. During the investigations I was 
accused of being a patriot, a deputy of the maire of the village and chairman 
of a viHage association and Cooperative Society. Further I was accused of 
belonging to the '"rich cUiss" as my father owned a farm of 45 hectares. The 
inquiries held for the larger part at night were very tiring. I was sentenced 
to S years imprisonment and Labour Camp. I was deported to Komi on the 
5.3.1941. I worked as a carpenter, 14 hours per day and one day rest per 
month. During this day I had to work one or two hours. 

The work was very heavy. Food very bad, in the morning, if the quota of 
work was completed, 675 gr. of bread and hot water, the smallest amount of 
bread received 250 gr. Dinner at 7 in the evening consisted of oat meal soup 
with salted fish. Illness was not taken into consideration and not even with a 
medical certificate of unfitness was one released from work. Only people who 
hadn't the strength to get up from bed were allowed not to work. Billets in 
barracks were overcrowded ; in a one-person bed, three men used to sleep. The 
camp authorities used to treat us very badly. They often repeated to us that 
we were buried for the rest of our life. Criminals who were imprisoned to- 
gether with us were nmch better treated by the authorities and could torture 
us and ill treat us. In the barracks where I was imprisoned was also the 
Lithuanian Minister of Finance Petrulis. Thieves had stolen all his clothes 
and Ijelongings and although he reported this fact to the authorities no steps 
were taken. I was released by the Amnesty with 4 weeks delay (in the 6.8.1941. 


After her husband was arrested she was deported from Pinsk on 20.4.41. Was 
deported from hospital with 5 children. She was in hospital after the birth of 
her youngest child. The other children 17, 14, 8, 3, and 2 months old. The whole 
family was transported to Semipalatynsk in cattle train. They were deported 
to the Camp of Semipalatynskaja Oblast, Bialagaczewskij Rejon, Bek-Kazjer, 
and there had to work in a quarry. Was released from work there as unfit, but 
her sons aged 17 and 14 were forced to work. The work consisted of carrying 
and loading blocks of stones from 7 in the morning to 4 in the afternoon. The 
salary was 11 kopek for one cubic meter of stones and both the boys could hardly 
load one cubic meter during one day. The loading of stones was often carried 
out during the night. They used to earn 11 kopek daily but the daily expenses 
for bread only wer of 5 roubles 25 kop. We had a separate lodging consisting 
of one room with a tloor, a kitchen stove, one window 2 and half mtr. x 2 and a 
half mtr. The children were ill, malaria and scarlet fever. The local authorities 
of the quarry and the guards were severe but did not ill-treat the workers. Rela- 
tions between Polish and Russian prisoners were good. After long efforts made 
by the deported they were released by the Soviet authorities on 27 October 1941 
and n ceived amnesty certificates. She left inniiediately : fterwards for Farabu, 
where she stayed 2 weeks, afterwards left for Dzamlni'. Teren Uziuk. There 
her youngest child died, her daughter was seriously ill and became deaf. 


Lately lived and was employed at Grodno. xVf ter the Soviet occupation worked 
as builder. On the 9.9.1940 was arrested upon the denunciation of two pris- 
oners who were in his charge in 193(). A\'as accused of carrying out loyally 
his duties and was not working for the Soviets. Was sentenced to 8 years 
Labour Camp. Transferred to the prison in Brzesc later to the camp at Wor- 
kuta, where he had to work on the land. His fannly remained at Grodno and 
up to March 1941 he was in touch with them. Work in the camp very hard as« 
the quotas of work claimed were extremely high. For instance : during the 
hay harvest he only carried out 70% of the work demanded and therefore 
received no salary. Food : 6.50 grammes of bread per day and soup made out 
of hot water and noodles with no fat at all. 17 September VMl was released 
and in accordance with his wish was directed to join the Polish Army. Arrived 
to Uzl)ekistan where no Army units were being organized. Worked in a Kolchoz, 
sorting out cotton wool, received no pay for that, only 500 grammes of dry 
biscuit Itread with no hot soup. After 13 weeks all Poles were transferred to 
Kirgiz Repiihlic where they had no work but still received 100 grammes of flour 


daily. He became seriously ill — inflammation of the kidneys and up to his 
departure from U. S. S. R. i. e. March 1942 was in hospital. 


We were taken durinj,^ the night and had only one hour to pack up and prepare 
to leave. Upon our arrival we were transferred to a farm where we v?ere em- 
ployed on work consisting of making fuel bricks out of cows manure. As a result 
of this work we all got skin disease. No medicaments were available. Living 
conditions and hygenic ones nonexistent, very dirty lodgings full of insects. 
In the barracks half of the premises were occupied by cattle. Pay for three 
months — work of three women : 90 roubles. The authorities robbed us or made 
mistakes in the accounts. Our only means of living was the exchange of our 
private belongings for food. Later we had to work on the farm. My daughter 
had to lead oxes during the ploughing. One day she was wounded by an ox 
and had one ril> broken but had to work on. During the winter food very scarce 
and bad. During the period 1st January 1941 and May 1941 twelve people out 
of the 42 died. No henting nor light in the barracks in which we were lodged. 


Arrested on 20.7.1940 for selling his own corn and under accusation of selling 
it at too high prices. Sentenced to 5 years labour camp. Inquiries held at 
prison at Lunowce during three months, afterwards transferred to prison at 
Charkowica 27 March 1941. Later transferred to the camp in Kirowska Oblast. 
"Work under extremely hard conditions 14 hours daily. Food in full quotas of 
work completed : 700 grammes of bread twice daily, soup made of oatmeal and 
salted fish. Living and hygienic conditions very bad. Dirt and insects, no soap. 
The camp authorities treated us worse than dogs. They considered us buried 
for life and death sentenced. Russian criminals imprisoned together with us 
used to ill-treat us, beat us, and rob us. The authorities ignored this. I was 
released on the 28.8.1941. 


Was arrested there by the NKVD on the 10.2.1940 together with his family, 
a wife, and four children. Deported to the Gorkowskaja, Oblast. We were given 
half an hour to leave. We were taken to the station, put into goods vans without 
heating. The temperature was about 25 degrees below freezing point. The 
journey lasted a fortnight. On the way we were given soup every second or third 
day. We did not get any water at all. There were 45 people in the wagon. 
We were not allowed to get out at all. Upon our arrival we were taken into the 
tajga to work. The work lasted 12 hours daily and was compulsory, though 
none of us had been tried and there had been no sentence pronoimced. The daily 
pay amounted to 2 or 3 roubles, which were paid irregularly. The food for 
the family cost from 20 to 30 roubles daily — one kilo of meat 16 roubles. To 
feed the family we sold our l)elongings. Illnesses : malaria and cynga. There 
were no medicaments. In a room of about 90 cubic metres 28 persons lived. 
The room was dirty and infected by insects. There was very little soap and 
no disinfectants whatsoever. The authorities treated us very badly. They had 
no understanding of our needs. We were told repeatedly "You will be buried 
here under this tree." We were released in August 1941. 


Was arrested there with family, wife and three children. DexMjrted to the 
Archangels-kaja Oblast-Kotlas on the 10 February 1940. The journey in un- 
heated and locked goods vans lasted 17 days. During the juurney we got soup 
twice. We were taken to a forest farm for forced labour. There was no trial 
whatsoever and no sentence pronounced. The work lasted from 12 to 14 hours 
per day and the pay for a 100% quota 2 to 3 roubles. The upkeep of the family 
cost 20 roubles a day. We sold our belongings not to die of hunger. We lived in 
overcrowded huts. Dirt and insects. We were given soap once during the whole 
year. We received then 50 grammes per person. Amongst the deportees many 
children and elder people died. Diseases : all suffered of swelling and cynga. 
Upon arrival to Teheran the results of the swelling were such that I had to 
have my leg amputated above the knee. During my stay in the forest three in 
my family died : my two-year-old son, my sister and my mother. The authori- 


ties ruthless and very strict. After the amnesty there flicl not want to release 
us, and I escaped with my family in December 1941. 


Went to Lwow with her children when the war In-oke out, where she was em- 
ployed as a clerk of tlie Administraticm of the State Phoresis until the 13 April 
1940. During that nijiht came three NKWD men, one Militia man and one sol- 
dier. After search made in the flat she was j;iven one hour to pack up, was 
deported with two children 7 and 10 years of age and her mother 72 years old and 
ill. Deported in a goods A'an with 27 jjeople, taken to Arrived 
there 30 April, 1940, and taken to a brick factory for forced labour. She worked 
alone for the three members of her family — two children and old mother — the 
work consisted in making bricks and the quota required 1.500 bricks, which work 
over 12 hours. The weight of the stencil and bricks was 20 kilos. After a month 
of work she got inflamation of tendons. In spite of this she was not allowed to 
leave work and was told "Tliat does not matter, you will get used to it." When 
the frosts came, she worked at sawing and cutting wood. The quota was 4 cubic 
metres per day. The people were forced to do the job in frosts of 4:; degrees 
the freezing point, although according to the law it is not allowed to make the 
workers work when the temperature reaches —40°. Women Soviet citizens did 
not go out to work. The pay was 5 roubles to 5 and-half for full quota. Food : 
the quota for bread was 600 granmies for Luszczynska and 300 grammes each 
for the children and mother. In 1941 this quota was reduced 500 grammes and 
250, respectively. The local factory authorities were brutal and inhuman. They 
refused a doctor for the ill mother, they did not take into account her lack of 
strength when carrying burdens etc. Released in the end of August 1941, then 
was employed in the Polish Delegation. 


Enclosure No. 3 

Report on Polish-Russian Relations, Lt. Col. H. I. Szymanski, U. S. Army, 

November 22, 1£^2 

Teheran, Sept. 4, 19.'t2. 

Dear Biiotiier: Several years have passed since we parted and it is a long 
time that I haven't had any news from you. I wish to inform you now about 
the fate of our family and your father and mother-in-law. 

Dearest brother, the war which commenced in 1939 has bi'ought about the 
tragic lot of our fellow countrymen. In September 1939, our area was invaded 
by the Soviet Army, which introduced many changes in the economic and political 
system. They created revolutionary committees which were joined by the great- 
est criminals released from prisons, and by the scum of the minorities, such as 
the Pelechs from Peltew at Romaniszynow and Bedr.vjow, and the Olenszuks at 
Krzewice, and these people were at the head of the administrative and economic 
affairs. They began their activity by dividing the land of squires and peasants 
who still had sown and reaped in 1939. After November 1, 1939, they would 
not even listen when we prayed them to let us stay in our homes. On November 
5th, a committee composed, among others, of Ukrainians arrived and within 15 
minutes we were turned out on the street. We went to Gliniany ; we were re- 
ceived there and stayed for 10 days. By this time, everything was destroyed 
and robbed so that tliere wasn't anything to return to. The interior of Jan 
Haraz's house was entirely demolished, so were the houses of other people. In 
the month of January 1940, the pacification began. The N. K. W. D. together 
with [he militia fell upon our homes and we were beaten so that we fainted in 
their hands. For fear of them we left our houses with our wives and children 
we escaped to Lwow. On February 10, 1940, a date we shall always remember, 
they came one night in sledges, when the frost was severe, and took our families 
as they were, I)arefooted and naked, while the men were not at home. Whoever 
learned that tlie families had been removed endeavored to join them, but some 
did not succeed, among them, brother Janek, Romek, and many others. Dear 
Brother, from here on started our jiilgrimage. We were carried off and our 
travel lasted four weeks ; what food we had taken along from home was con- 
sumed during the first days, and we cried, freezing in the loiked cars; the 
windows were blocked up, so were the doors. The.v placed 70 persons in one car. 


Even water was denied to us during two or three days at a time. We began 
to throw out dead bodies on the way to Siberia. Not a single child arrived at 
destination ; my three children died, their bodies were placed on the snow beside 
the car and the train moved on ; that was their funeral. Many people became 
insane during this travel and of the lot of about 3,000 persons about 8% died or 
went mad. 

Finally we arrived at destination in the district of Irkutsk, region of Nizhni 
"^ diuski, from there they carried us in trucks for 30 hours and brought us to a 
forest where we were placed in barracks, several families together, so that there 
was no space whatsoever where one could lie down. The place was full of bugs 
and lice and after three days we were sent to work. A workman received 700 
grams of bread and his family 300 grams and water. At tlie beginning of our 
work the frost reached 50 degrees, but they paid no attention to our bad clothing 
and foot gear, and after two weeks the number of members of our colony began 
to reduce. Aniela Gorajowna died, all 5 Guz girls, Pasternak, Gron, Wojtko's 
wife, Feret, Uncle Kot, three members of the Glodek family and many others. 

We lived at that place over a year and a half in dreadful misery. We ate net- 
tles, grass and even resin. Meanwhile the families of 38 of us were taken away 
and during several months we had no news whatsoever about them. 

Finally the day came when we were given documents stating tliat we were 
Polish citizens ; this made us very happy and some of joined our families. From 
then on we began to look for a better place. We travelled for about G weeks 
toward the south and arrived together with others in Tashkent. This travel was 
a calvary for thousands of our countrymen. jNIy dear brother, I am unable to 
describe this travel, — history will tell about places and rivers, as for instance 
the Amudaria, and about the tragedy and death of Poles. 

In 1942, I placed the entire family and their neighbors on the collective farm, 
Novy Put, in the region of Novotrotz, district of Djambul, where we dragged on 
our life in starvation, where we received for our work 300 grams of flour daily, 
while in other collective and Soviet farms nothing at all was given, and where 
the hot climate and hunger were the cause of very high mortality. When the news 
reached us that a Polish army was being created, we reported for enlistment 
in the army. Dear brother, I was very sorry to part with the family in such 
conditions, leaving them so naked and bare-footed, that I was compelled to give 
my last shirt, a pair of underwear and an old worn suit to my aged father and 

In 1942, in March, I enlisted in the army as a chauffeur, an automo- 
bile driver, so I am now working in the army. A few days ago I received the 
news that my family, that is. my wife and my daughter, are still in Russia in a 
hospital ; only sister-in-law Fela is already in Persia, and brother Paul with his 
son are in the army, also on the Persian side. 

A description of all details of what was going on with our Polish i)eople in 
Soviet Russia, would not have room enough to be written on the roof of your 
house which you built in the colony and the space of which was little less than 
20 square meters ; about the camps and examinations under the threat of re- 
volvers pressed against the temples at nightly hours, several times in succession, 
and always the same question ; about cells in which X persons were placed of the 
majority of whom nothing is known. Dear brother, while working together 
with the Uzbeck people, I learned that they were all waiting for liberation, that 
almost every other family had someone of its members in a camp or prison, 
this amounted to a total number of about 40 millions in 1941. 

I wish to add that after a stay in 2-3 months, all Polish followers of Marx 
definitely declared before their authorities that they preferred imprisonment in 
Poland to liberty in the Soviet country. The life of an unqualified workman in 
that country was such that I do not know if one could find another country where 
a workman would work thus for nothing, go around naked, all tattered, and 
get such food that bread was luxury for a collective farm workman. Training 
and propaganda was afforded by Russia herself, so that all followers of this idea 
have been cured once and for all and now they are the most active adversaries 
of the idea in which they had strongly believed before coming to this country. At 
the present time the Polish people are being evacuated and every eifort is made 
to get out as many as possible, because the N. K. W. D. is watching this matter 
closely so as not to let a single soul get out from there. Some of the sarriving 
Poles look like walking ghosts. Dear brother, in conclusion of my letter I 
want to ask you not to think that I am exaggerating the above described facts ; 
this is only a part of what I have gone through myself, and many other tragic 


incidents could be described in addition. Having received your address, I want 
to lay before you my pains and to inform you of my experiences under that 

Hearty greetings and kisses for you, your wife, and your cliildren, 
Your affectionate brother, 

My address : Command of Evacuation Base, Teheran, Post Office. 

Enclosure No. 4 

Report on Polish-Russian Relations, Lt. Col. H. I. Szymanski, U. S. Army, 
Nov. 22, 1942—1. G. No. 8850 

Extract of the Memorandum of the Peoples' Commissar for Foreign Affairs 
Dated December 1st, 1941 

All citizens of the western Ukranian and White Russian districts of the 
S. R. R., who on November 1st, 1939, had been in these districts acquired the 
U. S. S. R. citizenship in accordance with the U. S. S. R. citizenship Law of August 
19th, 1939. 

The readiness of the Soviet Government to consider as Polish citizens these 
persons of Polish nationality who had lived on these territories until November 
1st, 1939, is a proof of the good will and compromising attitude of the Soviet 
Government, but in no way can this constitute any basis for consideration as 
Polish citizens other nationalities, in particular, Ukrainian, White Russian, and 
Jewish as, the frontier question between the U. S. S. R. and INiland has not been 
settled and will be a subject of discussion in the nearest future. 

Enclosure No. 5 

Report on Polish-Russian Relations, Lt. Col. H. I. Szymanski, U. S. Army, 
Nov. 22, 1942—1. G. No. 3850 

Polish Citizenship of Non-Polish Nationals 

The Polish-Soviet Treaty of July 30, 1941, provided amnesty for war prisoners 
as well as for political prisoners and referred to all detained Polish citizens 
without making any differentiation among Polish citizens as far as nationality, 
religion, or race were concerned. Nor did the order issued by the Presidium of 
the Supreme Council of U. S. S. R. on August 12, 1941, granting amnesty to Polish 
citizens who were voluntary or forcedly deported to or detained in the territory of 
the U. S. S. R., provide any discrimination among Polish citizens of various 

In accordance with this decision, a certain number of Polish citizens, among 
them some of Ukrainian, White-Russian, and Jewish nationality, were released 
from forced labor camps and prisons in the course of the first months following 
the signing of the treaty, so that during the initial phase of the organization of the 
I'olish Army an appreciable percent of Polish citizens of Jewish, Ukranian, and 
White-Russian nationality enlisted as volunteers in Polish units. 

The first case of discrimination applied to citizens of non-Polish nation- 
ality by Soviet authorities occurred in the Kazakhstan Republic in the month of 
October. According to information I'eceived by the Polish Embassy in Kuibyshev 
the Military Commissar of this ReiJublic, General Shcherbakov. issued an order in 
Alma-Ata directing that all Polish citizens who were deported by Soviet authori- 
ties from occupied Polish territories, and who according to documents issued to 
them by these authorities from Ukrainian, Wliite-liussian, or Jewish nationals, 
be sent to the Red Army if their age and physical conditions met requirements. 

The I'olish Embassy in Kuibyshev reacted to the above order by a note dated 
10 November 1941, stating that it was inconsistent with the Polish-Soviet treaty 
of July 30, 1941, or witli the Polish-Soviet Military agreement of August 14. 1941, 
demanding at the same time tiiat every I'olish citizen capable of carrying arms 
be guaranteed the right of enlisting in the Polish Army in the U. S. S. R. 

In their reply of December 1. 1941. to the above note tiie Connuissariat for 
For«>ign Affairs stated that they disagreed with the viewpoint of the Polish 
Embassy. According to this viewpoint the calling to the Red Army of Soviet 
ritiz<'ns who were Ukrainians, White-Russians, and Jews and had come from the 
territories of Western Ukraine and Western White-Russia was inconsistent with 
tlie treaty of July 30, 1941, or the agreement of August 14, 1941. The understand- 


ing of the Soviet authorities was that the text of either agreement afiforcled no 
basis on which the vie\^T30int explained in the Embassy's note could be founded. 
Further, the Soviet note stated that according to the order of the Presidium of 
the Supreme Council of the U. S. S. R. dated 29 November 1939, all citizens of the 
western regions of the Ukranian and White-Russian S. S. R. who remained in 
these regions on November 1-2, 1939, had acquired U. S. S. R. citizenship under 
the provisions of the law on U. S. S. R. citizenship, dated August 19, 1938. "The 
willingness of the Soviet Government to recognize as Polish citizens such Polish 
nationals who vmtil 1-2 November 1939, had lived in the above-mentioned areas 
fdves evidence to the good will and complaisance of the Soviet Government, but in 
no way can it serve as a basis for other nationals, in particular of Ukrainians, 
White-Russians, and Jews, to be analogically recognized as Polish citizens, be- 
cause the question of the frontiers between the U. S. S. R. and Poland has not been 
solved as yet and is subject to future revision." 

In a reply dated 9 December, 1942, to the afore-mentioned Soviet note, the 
Embassy stated: (1) "That Polish legislation was based on the principle of 
equality of all citizens before law without regard to their nationality or race" ; the 
Embassy of the Polish Republic knows of no prescriptions of Soviet law intro- 
ducing or approving such discrimination. "None of the provisions of the treaty 
of July 30, 1942, or of the military agreement of August 14, 1942, concerning 
Polish citizens (amnesty, military service) make any reference to nationality or 
race, therefore they relate to all Polish citizens without any exceptions." (2) 
The fact of possessing Polish citizenship by a given person is based on Polish 
law, in particular on the law on Polish citizenship dated January 20, 1920. For 
this reason and in view of the considerations elucidated above, "the Embassy 
cannot take notice of the statement that among the persons who resided on 1-2 
November 1939 in the area of the Polish Republic, temporarily occupied by 
Soviet armed forces, only individuals of Polish nationality will be be recognized 
as Polish citizens by the Soviet Government. (3) The U. S. S. R. law on citizen- 
ship of August 19, 1938, cannot be applied to Polish citizens because "its appli- 
cation in the territory of the Polish Republic which was occupied by the Soviet 
Union from the latter part of September 1939, until June or July 1941, is con- 
trary to the resolutions of the IV Hague convention of 1907." In conclusion the 
l*olish Embassy stated that the Embassy does not connect citizenship with the 
question of the Polish-Soviet frontier. Soviet authorities, on the other hand, 
set forth contradicting theses in stating that they do not recognize as Polish 
citizens persons of Ukrainian, White-Russian, and Jewish nationality who pos- 
sessed Polish citizenship, because the question of the fmntier between the 
U. S. S. R. and Poland was not decided and was to be revised in the future." 
Maintaining their attitude as stated in (1) to (3) above, the Embassy called 
attention to the fact that the Soviet viewpoint constituted a unilateral solution 
by the Soviet Union of a matter whicli, accoi'ding to the statement of the Peo- 
ples' Commissariat for Foi*eign Asairs, is to be revised in the future. 

In reply to the above note of the Polish Embassy in Kuibyshev the Peoples' 
Commissariat for Foreign Affairs sent a note dated January 5, 1942, stating 
that they did not see any ground for changing their attitude explained in their 
note of December 1, 1941. As regards the reference made by the Polish Em- 
bassy to the Hagtie Convention, the I^eoples' Conunissariat is of the opinion that 
the provision of the IV Hagtte convention refers to occupation of enemy terri- 
tory wliile the ter-m "occupation" with regard to Western Ukraine and White- 
Ru-sia had no foundation whatsoever either from a political or from an inter- 
national viewpoint, because "the entry of Soviet troops in Western Ukraine and 
Western White-Russia in the fall of 1939, was not an occupation and the an- 
nexation of the said areas to the U. S. S. R. was a result of the freely expressed 
will of the population of these areas." 

In connection with the above-described attitude of the Soviet government, 
Polish citizens of Ukrainian, White-Russian, and Jewish nationality, and also 
of other nationalities or origin, as. for instance, Tartars and Lithuanians, are 
not regarded l»y the Soviet government as Polish citizens. 

The questioning by the Soviet authorities of Polish citizenship riglits held by 
Ukrainians, Jews, and Vrhite-Russians, was not limited to a theoretical legal 
dispute but was followed by practical consequences of the greatest importance 
to those concerned. Soviet authorities did not let them join the Polish Army 
and, in addition, they were deprived of the legal help and assistance of Polish 
authorities. The Embassy's intervention concerning the release of Polish citi- 
zens whose confinement in prisons and forced lal)or camps continued in spite of 
proclaimed amnesty, met with disapproval as far as non-Polish nationals (mostly 


Jews) were concerned. It has happened that some individuals wlio, being Polish 
citizens, had approached delegates of the I'olisli Embassy were rearrested. The 
Soviet authorities held these persons responsible for violating Soviet laws 
which pi-ohibit, under tiireat of severe punishment, any connuunication of Soviet 
citizens with agencies of foreign countries. Finally, of a most vital importance 
to Polish citizens of Jewish nationality possessing families in Palestine, the 
United States, and Great Britain, was the matter of departure which was made 
impossible due to refusal of exit visas by Soviet authorities, although freciueutly 
the applicants had already complied with all passport and other formalities. In 
many cases, I'olish ioreign passports with British, Palestine, and Iranian visas 
were' simply taken away from persons applying for U. S. S. K. exit vias. 

The last paragraph of the afore-mentioned note of the People's Counnissariat 
for Foreign Affairs dated December 1, 1941, reads as foUows : "As far as the 
referenc.'e made by the Polish Embassy to General Szczerbakov's order issued at 
Alma-Ata is concerned, information possessed by the People's Commissariat 
for Foreign Affairs indicates that no order has been issued calling the afore- 
mentioned citizens (i. e. Ukrainian, White-Russian and Jewish nationals) to the 
ranks of the Red Army ; the order issued concerned their draft for labor in the 
rear ; this also applied to other Soviet citizens of the U. S. S. R. 

According to information in the possession of the Polish Government, Polish 
citizens called to perform labor in the rear, as stated in the above-mentioned 
note, were placed in so-called "special construction battalions." During the 
spring months of 1941, a conscription of 3 classes, 1917, 1918, and 1919 for the 
Red Army was carried out by the Soviet authorities in occupied Polish territory. 
The recruits were deported to remote areas of the U. S. S. R. Basing the cal- 
culation on the general number of the population of the Soviet-occupied Polish 
territory, it is assumed that the number of recruits amounted to about 150,000 
men. In the months of August and September, 1941, on the strength of an 
order issued by Soviet authorities, a part of Polish citizens recruited from 
Polish territories were released from the ranks of the Red Army and placed in 
the above-mentioned construction battalions. 

On August 16, 1941, the Commander of Polish Armed Forces in the U. S. S. R., 
General Anders, approached the representative of the Red Army's High Com- 
mand, Major General Panfilov, requesting that Polish citizens who were taken 
to the Soviet Army be turned over to the Polish Army. On August 19, General 
Panfilov informed General Anders that "desiring to satisfy the Polish Com- 
mand, the Red Army Headquarters comply with the request of the Polish Com- 
mand regarding the voluntary release to the Polish Army of Poles who are now 
in Red Army units." (Protocol No. 2.) 

However, it was jiroved by a number of letters received by the Embassy, that 
the transfer of Polish citizens from the Red Army and from special construction 
battalions liad not been carried out in practice; moreover, repressive meas- 
ures were applied to soldiers who, knowing that a Polish Army was being or- 
ganized in the U. S. S. R., had submitted applications for their transfer to the 
Polish Army. 

Only a few individuals from the 1917, 191S, and 19' il conscription classes 
succeeded in getting over to the Polish Array, while t^.c note of the People's 
Commissariat for Foreign Affairs dated December 1, 1941. entirely confirmed the 
fact tliiit Polish citizens of Ukrainian, AVhite-Russians and Jewish nationality 
were still detained in special construction battalions: tliis obviously bad an un- 
favorable effect on the ruimerical strength of the Polish Army in the U. S. S. K. 

This matter has not been satisfactorily settled, notwithstanding repeated, writ- 
ten, and oral interventions of the Polish Embassy in Kuibyshev (dated April 
16, and May 4) and of the Polish military authorities (on January 21, I'^ebruary 
28, and Ai)ril 13), although the Peoples' Commissariat for Foreign .VtYairs in 
their note of May 14, reiterated that only Soviet citizens were called to the Red 
Army and to si)ecial construction battalions. 

In llieir desire to force upon the Polish Government their viewpoints con- 
cerning the citizenship question of persons forcedly deported to the U. S. S. R. 
from areas of the Polish Uei)ublic, the Soviet Goverinuent in addition tend 
toward restricting the Polish Embassy in Kuiliyshev in their right to issue p:iss- 
ports to Polish citizens, a sovereign right of any country. Tiiis tendency linds 
expression in the note of the Peoples' (\nnmissariat for Foreign Affairs' dated 
June 9, to the Polish Embassy. In this note the Peoi)ies' Commissariat states 
that they "think it imperative" that lists of individmils to whom the Embassy 
wishes to issne Poiisli i)assports be sent to the Peoples' Commissariat for Foreiiiii 
Affairs and the latter, when returning the lists, will inform the Embassy "of all 


objections made by competent Soviet Agencies to tbe issuance of Polish pass- 
ports to any of the persons included in the lists". The Soviet note adds that 
"all persons included in the above-mentioned lists with regard to whom no 
objections are set forth by competent Soviet agencies shall, upon exhibition by 
them of Polish passports, be given certificates entitling foreigners to sojourn in 
the U. S. S. R. Moreover, the above-mentioned Soviet note demands that lists 
of individuals to whom Polish passports had been issued by the Polish Embassy 
at an earlier date, be also submitted to the Soviet authorities. 

These lists, according to Soviet wishes, were to include the following infor- 
mation on every person listed : tirst and last names, year of birth, nationality, 
religion, present place of residence, citizenship claimed and places of residence 
prior to November 1939, whether amnestied by Soviet authorities, when and 
where arrested and deported, if not a permanent resident of Western Ukraine 
or Western White-Russia circumstances of arrival to Soviet territory, nationality 
of parents, and present place of their residence. 

In reply to the above note, the Polish Embassy in Kuibyshev in the name of 
the Polish Government, stated in their note of June 24. that "in conformity with 
fundamental principles of international law, the Polish Government declares that 
decisions on matters of Polish citizenship were made by Polish authorities 
within their own competence, and these authorities do not consider it possible that 
the citizenship of Polish citizens who had lived in areas of the Polish Republic 
and in the years 1939-1942, had arrived in the U. S. S. R., (not of their own 
will, as it is known), should be decided upon by Soviet authorities by verification 
of lists of Polish citizens requested from the Embassy. The note explains fur- 
ther that the issuance of passports to Polish citizens by the Embassy and their 
Delegates, is carried out on the basis of existing Polish laws and regulations. 
Under the constitution of the Polish Republic and Polish law, nationality, reli- 
gion or race, and place of residence within the boundary of the State have no 
influence on the citizenship of a given person. In its last paragraph the Polish 
note pointed out that the note of the Peoples' Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, 
dated June 9, was intended to enforce a procedure of issuing passports not 
practiced by sovereign countries and therefore the Polish Government did not 
see any possibility for a meritorious discussion of the matter on the basis of the 
suggested procedure. 

The Peoples' Commissariat for Foreign Affairs in their reply of July 9, did 
not discuss the arguments of the Polish Embassy's note of June 24, and re- 
stricted themselves to communicating that they still insisted on the acceptance 
by the Poles of the procedure of issuing Polish passports as proposed by the 
Soviet Government. 

The above-mentioned documents and facts indisputably establish on the one 
hand the Soviet's tendency toward restricting, contrary to international law, 
the Polish State's sovereign rights, and on the other, their tendency to count 
Polish citizens of non-Polish nationality as citizens of the U. S. S. R., which is 
inconsistent with international law. 

London, 24, October, 191(2. 


Basis of report : 

1. Conversation with Army Leaders in Ii-an and England. 

2. Conversation with Czech Army Leaders in Palestine and England. 

3. Conversation with British War Office, London. 

4. Conversation with American War Correspondents recently returned 
from Russia, in Iran. 

It is generally agreed among the Czechs, Poles, and the British War Office 
that the Soviets had available at the start of war around 21,000,000 men for 
the armed services. 

The and Czech sources agree that tlie Russian casualties amounted 
to around 7,000,000 to November 1, 1942. 

The same sources agree that the Russians now have mobilized between 13 
and 15 million men. 

The British War Office agrees with the above figures because its information is 
from the same sources. 

Of the 7,000,000 Russian casualties 3 million are dead or wounded (nonreturn- 
able) and 4 million in German prisons. 


Of tlie 4 million prisoners 2,600,000 are reported to have died while in prison. 
This fiiaire the Poles confirm by quoting the Russian ambassador to Poland who 
said that there are no Russians in German prison camps, and by an answer the 
German labor minister made in Nuremberg last February at a labor convention, 
when asked "How many Russian prisoners are available for work?" His answer 
was that of the 4,000,000 some 2,600,000 are dead, 600,000 unfit for work and 
800,000 available. The statement of the Russian ambassador to Poland was 
repeated (this from a British source) by the wife of the Russian ambassador 
to Great Britain when she was asked by the British to head a Red Cross drive 
for the relief of Russian prisoners in German camps. 

Conditions in Russia are so bad that it is estimated that 20 to 40 million will 
die from starvation in the coming year, but the army and the necessary workers 
will be fed. 

Russian political prisoners who shared cells with high-ranking Polish officers 
have stated that there are some 15 to 20 million such political prisoners incar- 

Losses, both military and civilian, are not taken into the considerations of 
Stalin's communistic and imperialistic policy. 

The Soviet Army is not broken and will not be broken despite loss of territory. 

No source of information, be it Polish, British, or Czsch, can tell or even guess 
the strength of the Soviets on any front. I doubt if the Bolsheviks themselves 

No source of information, be it Polish, British, or Czech, can tell or even 
guess what reserves of supplies and equipment the Soviets tiave on hand, and 
yet in August they were moving fully equipped antitank units across the 
Caspian Sea from Krasnovadsk to Baku. 

The Russians fight because : 

a. in front the Germans take no prisoners 

&. line of NIvWD commissars permit no desertions 

c. starvation awaits the deserter 

d. the front line is well fed 

e. a degree of patriotism has permeated the army. 

The Communists are not fighting for democracy or Christianity because neither 
one of these institutions exist in the Soviets. 

They are fighting to preserve the regime. 

When a month ago the commissar, a part of every command, was removed, it 
meant one of two things : 

(1) the regime has weakened and the army been strengthened 

(2) or the communist party has taken the army into its fold, and thus 
quieted Russia's most talked of leader — Timoshenko. 

The Soviets themselves cannot defeat the Nazis. 

The Soviets and the I?ritish cannot defeat the Nazis. 

Our forces, our equipment, our supplies, our food will defeat the Nazis. We 
must never lose sight of that certainty. 

Our food and our supplies will finally rehabilitate Russia and all of Europe. 
We must never lose siuht of that post-war task. 

In vicnv of the aliove premises and statements it is fair to ask two questions — 
a. What are the Soviets' communistic imperialistic aspirations? 

h. What consideration should be given the Soivets at the peace table? 

Question a. will be treated briefly from two aspects: {1) Communism within 
Russia, and (2) Communistic imperialism. 

< / ) Vomnniniitm ivithm Russia in terms of President Roosevelt's •'four freedoms" 


The Press throughout the Soviet Union is controlled by the government. 
Controversial sulOects do not appear in the Press. It is intended to be an 
organ of i)ropagnn(la rather than of information. Only news items favorable 
to the govermnent are printed. The two newspajiers I'ijavda and Izvestfa have 
large circulations in the cities and reach all culture clubs outside. Local news- 
papers, restricted to localities, devote most of the space to criticism of local 
labor output. 

The tight censorship and control of the Press leaves the citizens in the dark 
concerning foreign news of any nature. As a restdt. the young people with no 
ba.sis of comparison, assume the Soviet standard of living to be ideal. The Soviet 
citizen attends all meetings and applauds the speakers, but he will not discuss 
politics for fear of informers. Instead, he discusses his oiitput of work. 


The people pretend to take a very active part in public life. They choose 
members of the local council and elect the chairman of their local meetings. 
However, in the general elections they have no choice of candidate and the resolu- 
tions and doctrines preached are the same at all gatherings and dictated by the 
NKWD (O. G. P. U.) and the Communist Party. Members of the party control 
the non-Communist members occupying equal or higher positions. It is extremely 
difii ult to get a membership in the Party. Two-percent of the people belong to 
the Communist Party which according to the constitution shares in the govern- 
ment. There is no other party, and therefore, no real freedom of representatives. 


In towns and farms anti-religious organizations are active. Even the Polish 
Army in Russia was subject to anti-religious agitation. Immediately after the 
signing of the Soviet-Anglo-American Lend Lease Pact the Soviets stopped all 
talks of religious freedom. Polish Military Chaplains were prohibited from 
leaving the camps even for the purpose of conducting services for the families 
of soldiers. There are some 150 Polish Priests in Russian prisons or concentra- 
tion camps. Articles and pictures showing religious services in the Soviet Union 
which appear in American magazines were propaganda. 

Bishop Gawliua (Polish Army Chaplain) on a visit to Baku, Moscow, Kuiby- 
shev, Tashkent, Samarkan and Ashkabad saw but one church open for services. 
Catholic, Protestant, Jewish and Russian Orthodox all shared alike. The few 
churches opened for services were taxed out of existence in very short time. 
Soldiers of the Soviet Army or their mothers approached Polish Chaplains 
(mostly at night) and begged for religious medals and pictures to take along 
to the front — Religious freedom does not exist. 


It is expected that fully 20,000,000 Russians will die of hunger this winter and 
coming spring. The plight of the Polish evacuees indicates the conditions exist- 
ing in Russia. Tliis, of course, will be due mostly to the German occupation of 
territories that produced 60% of the food products. Part of it is due to the 
dislocation of transport and to poor organizing ability. 

But the "want" existed before the war. Government control of industry 
brought about lower wages to cut cost, thus lowering the purchasing power 
because not ail produced equally but all suffered. Black bread, a cereal and 
beans with practically no fat constitute the workers daily diet. Clothing is 
very scant, shoes not available and for housing, but one room is given to even 
large families. 


The entire U. S. S. R. lives under a constant threat of prison, concentration 
camp and deportation. Nearly every family mourns a member who is either im- 
prisoned, or had died in some prison or camp. The threat becomes greater be- 
cause to inform is considered the highest virture of a citizen. The system of 
spying and punishment without trial is so general that a victim puts up no de- 
fense. With the fatalism of the East, he simply accepts the enevitable. The 
older generation still i-emembers the past, Init appreciate the tragedy of its posi- 
tion and keeps quiet for fear of spies and informers and the consequent jails and 
concentration camps: from which none return. It is difficult to estimate the num- 
ber incarcerated. The figure generally spoken of is roughly 20,000,000. Suspects 
and families of prisoners are likewise imprisoned. Some are sentenced by courts, 
some by the administration without trial. 

Moreover, the Russian worker has no freedom of travel from place to place, 
is subject to compulsory attendance at training schools for manual labor in 
factories and on railroads, and under penalty of imprisonment, cannot change 
jobs without authority. He has no right to sti-ike. The Workers' Committees, 
composed of members selected by the party, are not in practice concerned with 
the interest of workers and are merely the mouthpiece of the management. In 
fact, the days of joint consultation between workers and managers are over. 

(2) Communistic Imperialism 

The Comintern is a political organization within the Soviet Government. Its 
task is to bring about a Communistic revolution. It is particularly active at 
present in U. S., England, France, Germany, and Poland. 


In the United Stales, the main effort of the Comintern is devoted to the popu- 
larization of ('oinnumism through the relief activity known as "Aid fob Russia." 
Every prominent American working for this relief is unfortunately pictured by 
the (joniintern in other countries and in Russia as a champion of communism. 

In (Germany, the Comintern is proclaiming that Hitler alone is fighting com- 
munism, defending the interest of German capitalists, and that after a com- 
munist revolution in Germany, cooperation will be established, Poland divided, 
and (iermauy and Russia will decide on future conditions in Europe. 

In France, the conununists are conducting sabotage and preacliing the doctrine 
that Russia and France would decide the fate of Europe aiul not English and 
American capitalists. 

In Poland, the communists, dropped by parachutes, took advantage of the 
populations depression caused by the German terror and the protracted war and 
started propaganda against Polish leaders and advocating a premature uprising 
against the Germans. Immediately after the Sikorski-Stalin negotiations, an 
underground conmuinistic paper in Poland stated that a victorious Red Army 
would not stop at the border of Poland, and not even at the I'.ritish Channel or 
the Bay of Biscay. 

In England, the Communists based their propaganda on the opening of a sec- 
ond front, not in Africa or the Middle East, but in France, Holland and F5elgium. 
This attack would have entailed great losses to the Allies and the Germans alike, 
which would enhance the chances of the Soviet Army. 

The conquest of Latvia, Estonia, Lithuania, Poland, and Bessarabia was not 
for strategic purposes, but a positive indication of commimistic imperialism. 


Yes, if they find the Germans very weak. This winter they will conduct lim- 
ited offensives in order to straighten their lines. Behind these lines, they will 
rest, reorganize, train and equip more divisions. They will wait until the Allies 
and Germans annihilate each other. They will wait until the German army 
confronting them is so weak that their own effort will bring easy and huge 
results. They will not stop their westward marcli until the American Army 
stops them. 

Europe is confronted with what seems to many of the powers an "either — or" 
choice — -i. e., either German domination or Soviet domination. 

There is little faith that the United States could control a victorious Russia 
at any peace table conference. 

One of Mr. Willkie's secretarys stated to me in Tehran, that Russia and the 
United States will dictate the peace of Europe. When I repeated this (without 
mentioning the source) to a very prominent Pole in Tehran, he at first begged 
me not to jest, and then very sadly said to me that, "In that case Poland has 
lost the war and the Allies have lost the war." 

Tile choice in Europe is not merely : Democracy vs. Hitler, as so many Ameri- 
cans seem to think it is. 


Lt. Col. Infantry, U. S. Army, 
Liaison Officer to Polish Army. 

Mr. Machrowicz. One question if you don't mind. I want to ask 
counsel, Does that complete the so-called Szymanski reports which we 
have received from the Dei)artment? 

Mr. Mitchell. No, sir. There is one additional report. 

]Mr. Maciirowicz. Where is it? 

Mr. Mitchell. That report is a report by a British officer 

Mr. Maciirowicz. I mean other than that. 

Mr. ^Mitchell. That is all, sir. 

Mr. Maciirowicz. There are no additional Szymanski reports with 
the exception of the Lieutenant Colonel Hull's report., that we re- 
ceived from the Department. Tliis completes the record. I will oet 
to that later. 

INIr. KoRTH. Just as a matter of record here which I indicated in the 
executive session a moment ap;o, in oi'der to protect myself with refer- 


ence to this last exhibit which was introduced I have not had an op- 
portunity to read it and therefore cannot comment as to whether there 
is any objection to it. 

Ml". Maciirowicz. In fairness to Mr. Korth, that should be noted on 
the record. «. 

Chairman Madden. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. But I would like to ask one question again in 
that connection. 

]\Ir. KoRTH. Yes, sir? 

Mr. ]Machrowicz. When we received the Colonel Van Vliet report 
we received with it also a copy of a letter of transmittal to the Depart- 
ment of State. 

Mr. Kortii. That is right, sir. 

Mr. Machrowicz. With any of these reports is there a letter of 
transmittal to the Department of State? Am I to understand that 
these repoi-ts so far as you know have not been transmitted to the 
Department of State? 

Mr. Kortii. That is correct, sir. 

Mr. Mitchell. You are quoting for the record ? 

Mr. Sheehax. I am quoting for the record because, if I might 
make a short statement, part of the work of the committee is to 
bring out the various things as we see them in the record and their 
proper significance, which naturally cannot be evaluated now but at 
a future time will all be tied together by the committee when they 
make their report. I am reading from the report. This is part of 
the report signed by Colonel Szymanski and I merely bring it to the 
attention of the committee. I think I would prefer that the colonel 
himself read the last three paragraphs. 

Mr. Mitchell. What is the date of this report, please, that par- 
ticular one that he is referring to? 

Colonel SzY^iANSKi. November 23, 1942. 

Mr. Mitchell. Please read it for the record. It is the last three 
paragraphs, I believe, that Congressman Sheehan asked for. 

Colonel Szymanski (reading) : 

Tliere is little faith that the United States could control a victorious Russia 
at a peace-table conference. One of Mr. Willkie's secretaries stated to me in 
Tehran that Russia and the United States will dictate the peace of Europe. 
When I repeated this without mentioning the source to a very prominent Pole 
in Tehran, he first begged me not to jest and then very sadly said to me that in 
that case Poland has lost the war and the Allies have lost the war. Tlie choice 
in Europe is not merely democracy versus Hitler, as too many Americans think 
it is. 

Mr. Sheehax. Those were your opinions at that time? 

Colonel Szymanski. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sheehan. I would suggest the colonel should have been the 
Secretary of State and we woidd have been in a lot better position 
than we are today. 

Mr. Machrowicz. May I again ask, ]\Ir. Korth, in view of the fact 
that there were important conclusions not only of a military nature 
but of a political nature, and in view of the fact that the report con- 
tains such important conversations as conversations between General 
Sikorski, General Anders, Stalin, Molotov, why were those reports, 
never transferred to the Department of State? Do you know? 

Mr. Korth. No, sir ; I do not know. 

93744—52 — pt. 3 18 


Mr. Macjikowicz. I would suy that if they were, and if the}- were 
lieeded there probably would have been no Yalta or Tehran. 

Mr. SiiEEHAN. Mr. Chairman, the next matter 

Chairman Madden. Let me interrupt. Do you mean to say that 
these reports were kept in G-2 ? 

Mr. KoRTii. No, sir. I answered the question, I think correctly, 
that I had no knowledge whether these reports were transmitted or 
not to tlie State Department or anywhere else. 

Mr. Maciirowicz. Let me tell you this. The previous reports you 
have sent to us, as the Van Vliet report, you indicated were conveyed 
to the Department of State. 

]\Ir. KoRTH. That is correct, sir. 

jMr. Maciirowicz. This report shows no such conveyance. 

Mr. KoRTii. And I have no information. 

Mr. Maciirowicz. To that effect. Will you do this for the com- 

Mr. KoRTH. Yes, sir, 

Mr. Machrowicz. If you find in the Department of Defense or the 
Department of War any place a letter or any indication that the 
valuable information contained in these reports, including the con- 
versations between Stalin, Molotov, General Sijkorski, and General 
Anders was brought to the attention of the Department of State, will 
you let this committee know about it? 

Mr. KoRTH. I certainly will, sir. 

Mr. Flood. This might be a good time to observe — will the gentle- 
ijian yield? 

Mr. SiiEEHAN. Yes. 

j\Ir. Flood. This might be a good time to observe that if these 
observations are true as a fact, and if these reports remained in G-2 
at the Army and never reached the Secretary of State, it would be 
very difficult for the Secretary of State to act upon something he knew 
nothing about. 

Mr. KoRTH. That is correct, sir. 

Mr. SiiEEHAN. Wliat is the purpose of G-2? Maybe we ought to 
save some money there. 

Colonel, did you ever return to the United States in the interim 
between 1943 and your other assignment later in 1944 or 1945 2 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. No, sir. 

Mr. SiiEEHAN. In other words you remained overseas all tlie time? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Ml'. Sheehan. In this interim between the end of the war and the 
beginning of your reports, did you talk to any official of the Army or 
the State De])artment in Europe about your Katyn report? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. No, sir. 

Mr. SiiEEiiAN. Or the Russian treatment of the Poles? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. No, sir. 

Mr. SiiEEiiAN. Are these all the reports that concern the Katyn 
matter that you now have? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sheehan. There are some cables, are there not I Did you have 
u ivply in cables from the Army? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. We differentiate between reports and cables, 
so I here may be and there were cables sent on the disa])pea ranee of the 


officers, when I first started and made contact with the Poles' in 
April 1942. 

Mr. Mitchell. Those cables he is referring to have not been made 
available to this committee to my knowledge, sir. 

Mr. SiiEEHAN. Mr. Chairman, as I remember in onr covering letter 
to the Army did we not ask them to make available all information? 

.JVIr. Mitchell. We never wrote a covering letter to the Army. They 
offered it. They have had considerable difficulty finding all the 
various reports connected with Poland. If you will recall, it was on 
the directive of the President, when this entire committee visited w^ith 
him, that all reports anywhere in the Government of the United States' 
would be made available to this committee. Consequently, those re- 
ports have only begun coming in during the past 6 weeks or 2 months. 
The committee statf has just not had time to sift down all the reports 
that have come' in at this time, but we have not received to my per- 
sonal knowledge anything in the way of cables signed by Colonel 
Szymanski or referring to him in any way. 

Mr. Siieehan. Mr. Chairman. I would suggest you instruct counsel 
to write the appropriate letter getting the necessary cables and any 
other pertinent information. 

Chairman Maddex. I will order that procedure to be followed. 

Mr. Machrowicz. In clarification, so that we won't get into another 
impasse as we have today — I will have to ask one question if you don't 
mind-^I will ask the Colonel, you had other assigmnents besides the 
problem of locating the disappeared Polish officers ; did you not 'i 

Colonel SzYMAXsKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Machrowicz. When you answered Mr. Sheehan's question that 
this completes all the reports made by you to G-2 at that time, you 
were referring only to all the reports made by you with reference to 
the Katyn massacre ? 

Colonel Szymanski. That was his question, as I understood it. 

Mr. INIachrowicz. I just wondered if Mr. Sheehan got the impact 
of that. There are other reports that you did file about that time 
regarding the Russian-Polish situation, did you not? 

Colonel SzYMAXsKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Are those included in the reports we have? 

Colonel SzY'MAxsKi. I haven't seen them in these reports. 

Mr. ^Iachrowicz. In other words, then, the file that we have re- 
ceived from the Department of Defense is not a complete file of all 
your reports on the Kussian-Polish situation, is it ? 

Colonel SzY'MAx-^SKi. No, sir. 

Mr. KoRTH. ^Ir. Chairman, I don't know whether the committee 
is aware of the information and assistance that the Department of 
the Army has given. I have a list of the things that we have fur- 
nished, if you would like that detailed. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I think I might say in defense of your Depart- 
ment that probably our letter wasn't broad enough. These reports 
which do not refer directly to the Katyn incident but which indirectly 
have a great bearing on the Katyn incident probably were not fur- 
nished the committee by you because you had no specific demand for 

Mr. KoRTH. As indicated earlier, we had a directive from the Pres- 
ident tliat we make available to this committee all information that 
the connnittee desires in connection with its hearinir. 


Mr. Machrowicz, I think you literally complied when you fur- 
nislied us only the reports which had a direct bearing on the Katyn 

Mr. KoRTH. That is true. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I am going to ask the chairman now that in our 
lequests to the Department we request that they furnish us not only 
the i-eports which have a direct bearing on the Katyn incident, but 
also the other reports which I understand are several in number. Am 
1 correct in that ? 

Mr. Mitchell. Whose reports? 

Mr. Machrowicz. Colonel Szymanski's reports on the Russo-Pol- 
isli situation which did have an indirect bearing on the Katyn inci- 

Chairman Madden. I think Congressman Machrowicz made a good 
suggestion there, because if my memory doesn't fail me, we requested 
all reports pertaining to the Katyn massacre. I believe the reports 
indirectly referring to or that might affect the Katyn massacre are 
essential to the committee. At the time we visited the President, if 
I remember right, we asked him for all reports pertaining to the 
Katyn massacre. Any reports indirectly pertaining to the Katyn 
massacre I think are essential and I believe that the committee agrees 
that we should request all reports that indirectly refer to the Katyn 

Mv. KoRTH. We will be happy to furnish the committee whatever 
the committee desires. 

Mr. Mitchell. I might state on behalf of the War Department 
that there are a great many other reports they have submitted to us 
in the German, French, and Polish languages which have nothing 
whatsoever to do with Colonel Szymanski in any shape, form, or 
manner. They are statistics. 

Chairman Madden. We are just referring to Colonel Szymanski's 

Mr. Mitchell. I want the record to show we are referring to his 

Chairman Madden. No doubt the colonel has made reports which 
pi-obably directly do not implicate or refer to the Katyn massacre, but 
indirectly would, and I think we should have those reports. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I might say while we are at it, I specifically make 
the request, if you don't mind noting it, for a report dated around 
December 8, 1943. 

Mv. KoRTii. We have that right here, sir. I am sorry. 

Mr. Machrowicz. May I see it? 

Mr. MiTCHELi-. This is a report that I have never received. 

Mr. Machrowicz. We have never received this report. Do you 
have any objection to that report being offered in evidence now? 

Mr. KoRTH. It has just been handed to me, sir, by Colonel Szy- 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you want to look at it? 

Mr. INIiTCiiELL. I miirht exphiin the ]M)sition of the War Depart- 
ment counselor here. He is not a qnalitied declassifier as far as our 
(lovei'nment system is concerned. He is a representative of the NN'ar 
Dt'pai'fmont counselor's ollice. He is in no way connected witli G-2. 
1 wouhl like jo have the record show that. 


Mr. KoRTH. That is correct. 

Chairman Madden. I might make this statement : I do think 

Mr. Mitchell. Excuse me, sir. This report which Mr. Korth is 
speaking of right now was handed to him in my presence by Colonel 
Szymanski just before we started hearing Colonel Szymanski's testi- 
mony. Neither I nor any member of this committee has seen such 
a report. 

Chairman Madden. I feel that all the members of this committee 
want to cooperate with the Department of Defense as far as secret 
reports are concerned, but nevertheless the committee is going to insist 
on the production of all reports. I can't conceive of any reports being 
secret dating back 7 or 8 years ago. Reports pertaining to the Katyn 
massacre directly or indirectly that should not be clasifiecl as secret 
at this late date. If they are classified as secret, they should be cle- 

Mr. FuRcoLo. May I say something at this point, Mr. Chairman? 
I think it probably has been made very clear but in the event it has not, 
I think every single member of this committee is determined that we 
are going to do everything we can to find out the truth about this 

Secondly, I think we are determined to make available every paper 
and document, whatever it may be, whether it helps or hurts the State 
Department or the Defense Department or the Congress, Democrats, 
Republicans, whatever it may be. 

Mr. Korth. That is correct. 

Mr. FuRCOLo. We are going to show that. In view of that, it seems 
to me if there are au}^ reports at all, whatever kind they may be, which 
for one reason or another the Department of the Army thinks should 
be secret or should not be given to this committee, it seems to me that 
with the reports that you send over you should take it up perhaps 
informally but in some way with the chairman of the committee or 
whoever the chairman may designate, saying, "We do have certain 
other reports that we think may have a bearing. We think they should 
be secret," and then go on from there. 

In other words, there isn't much sense in getting into a situation like 
this again, I think, 

Mr. Korth. I see your point. 

JNIr. ]\Iachrowicz. The point I want made clear is why these reports 
containing such vitally important matter affecting United States- 
Soviet Russia diplomatic relationships were put away in a warehouse 
somewhere and not found until we finally made a little noise about it, 
and why they were never brought to the attention of the Department 
of State. I hope sometime before our committee has completed its 
work, the Department will give us a satisfactory answer to that. 

Mr. Korth. Sir; I have made a note of the request in that regard 
and will ascertain whether I can find that those reports or extracts 
from those reports were sent to the State De]:)artment. 

Mr. Flood. Before the gentleman from Illinois proceeds, and on 
this question of documents and authority, who was USA G-2 after 
General Strong? 

Mr. Korth. I think it was General Bissell. Is that right ? 

Colonel Szymanski. Yes. 
■' Mr. Flood. It was as a matter of fact, General Bissell. 


Mr. KoRTH. I am almost certain there was no one in between tlie two. 

Mr. INIiTCHEiJ.. Where is General Bissell today? 

Mr. KoRTH. I can't answer that. 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. He has retired, but I don't know where he is. 

Mr. Machrowicz. He is in the country, is he not? 

Mr. Flood. I know where he is. 

Mr. O'KoxsKi. He has a job with the Ford Foundation. 

Mr. Mitchell. That is Bissell you are talking about. 

Mr. Sheehan. May I proceed, Mr. Chairman? 

Mr. ]\IiTCHELL. Since Mr. Korth has indicated to the chairman that 
he is perfectly willing for the committee to have this report, I believe 
Colonel Szymanski should hand it to the chairman. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You have no objection to that report? 

Mr. Korth. No. That is the one of Xovember 0. 1042, 1 believe it is. 

Chairman Madden. Is this repoit from you. Colonel Szymanski ? 

Colonel Szymanski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. May it be made clear when you are offering that 
exhibit that it is not the copy which has been furnished us by the 
Department. It is a copy furnished by the colonel, the original of 
which has not yet been furnished by the Dej^artment but which I hope 
you will try to locate ; is that correct ? 

Mr. KoRTii. That is right, sir. 

Mr. ]MAciiRt)Wicz. I would like to know whether you can locate that 
report, too. 

Colouel SzYJUANSKi. May I add tluit the Army said if 1 found any 
documents, to make them available to the committee. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I understand. You are very cooperative. 

Mr. Flood. Just mark this as "Exhibit 12." Mr." Clerk. 
(The document was marked "Exhibit Xo. 12" and tiled for the 
record. ) 

Mr. Flood. I have been handed by the clerk what is narlved "Exhibit 
No. 12." Avhich ]nirpoi"ts to be an addition to the so-called Szymanski 
report. I now shoAv tliat to the witness. Colonel Szymanski, and ask 
him if that is a fact. 

Colonel Szymanski. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Flood. We offer that in evidence. INIr. Chairman. 

Cliairman Madden. It is acce]>ted. 

(The document marked "Exhibit No. 12" follows :) 

Exhibit 12 

Military Intelligence Division W. D. G. S. 

Military Attache Repokt^ — Poland 

Subject : The PolisTi Army in England and the Middle East. 

From : M. A. Ijiaison Officer Date : November 6, 1942 

Source and decree of reliability: General Wladyslaw-Sikorski ; Lt. General 
Wlndyslaw Anders. 

The Polish Army 

1. The Polish Army in Enj;l;ind. 

2. The Polish Army in the .Middle East. 


The polish Army in Enjilnnd. numbering around 20.000 exclusive of air units, 
was formed from units evacuated from France and from groups arriving from 


Russia. It is charged with the defense of the area north and sonth of the Firth 
of Foi"th in Scotland, stretching for approximately 60 miles along the sea. It 
is well-equipped (except for some transportation which is about one-half com- 
plete), and is continually getting the latest equipment (tanks). It does not 
get enough ammunition for target practice. All officers have had battle expe- 
rience. Its outstanding generals are : Boruta, commanding corps ; Duch, com- 
manding rifle brigade ; and Maciek, commanding 1st Armored Division. 
Its organization is as follows : 

(a) 1st Armored Division. 

(b) 1st Independent Rifle Brigade (Regiment, U. S. A.) 

(c) 1st Heavy Artillery Regiment. 

(d) Battery Antiaircraft Heavy Artillery. 

(e) Brigade (Regiment, U. S. A.) of parachutists. (2 bns. of 2 cos. each). 

(f ) oOOth Air squadron-cooii^ration with Army. 

(g) Corps Troops. 

In addition to the above Corps the Poles have in England 13 squadrons in the 
air of which 7 are fighters, 4 are bombers, 1 is night fighter, 1 is the cooperating 
squadron mentioned above. 

As of October 30 they are credited with the destruction in combat of 498 
German planes. The fighters are being equipi^ed with the latest-type planes. 


The Polish Army in the INIiddle East, numbering around 70,000, is concen- 
trated in the vicinity of Khanaqin, Iraq, about 125 miles north of Baghdad. 
Headquarters are in Qizil Ribat, about 35 kilometers below Khanaqin. When 
the concentration of the Polish forces in Khanaqin is completed, and it should 
be by now. there will be no Polisli forces in Egypt, Syi-ia, and Palestine and 
nothing but a small evacuation base in Tehran, Iran, under command of Lieut. 
Colcinel Anthony Szymanski, who was also designated as the Military Attache 
to Iran. 

This force is composed largely of men and units evacuated from Russia in 
April and August.^ Its 3rd Division was formed from the Carpathian Brigade 
of Tobruk fame and from evacuees from Russia (1st evacuation). Tlie divi- 
sion is aliiKJSt fully equipped (rifles and machine guns). It needs transport 
and considerable artillery. 

The balance of this force, organized according to the attached table of organi- 
zation, is not equipped. Training equipment was to have been on hand, but 
was not as of October 5th. The balance of the equipment is supposed to be in 
transit. At least that is what Churchill and Sir Brooks promised General 
Anders. It is my opinion that despite promises the force ii:iU not be equipped 
b.v the British. This opinion is based on the British past performances dating 
back to April, which I followed closely, and upon the fervent pleas of some 
memliers of the British Military Mission for American assistance, as well as 
the prayers of the Poles. 

The force can be increased by a further evacuation from Russia of a minimum 
of 60,000 former soldiers organized into labor battalions, and now serving the 
Russian Army. These are so concentrated that they can be evacuated to Persia 
within two weeks. There are also a minimum of 80,000 former soldiers whom 
the Russians refuse to release because, though Polish citizens, tliey originate 
from the so-called minorities — White Russians, Ukranians, and Jews. 

The Poles feel as I do, that pressure on Stalin on the part of our President 
and INIr. Churchill will bring about the evacuation of this potential force and 
of the thousands of Polish officers still incarcerated, mostly in Siberia. The 
total number may run as high as 250,000 men with battle experience. As it 
is, they are slowly being liquidated by a process of overwork and undernourish- 
ment, under impossible living and climatic conditions. Every effort to locate 
one group of 8,300 officers u:ho were supposed to have 'been deported to Franz- 
Joseph Island has up-date been fruitless. Very little cooperation is being given 
the Poles by the Russians in this matter. 

^ The Army has approximately 1,000 women volunteers organized into companies, who 
serve in various clerical .iobs, as nurses, and aids to nurses in field hospital units, and as 
chauffeurs of passenger cars. They are seriously being considered as replacements for the 
men in tlie kitchens. Their camp life is similar to that of the men, they are uniformed, 
are permitted no cosmetics, and are well-disciplined. 


The force in Khanaqin, however, is largely rehabilitated physically, after its 
experience in Russia, and if given equipment can be made ready for battle within 
sixty days of this receipt. Its discipline is excellent, its men are tough, being 
the survivors of the fittest after two years of prison and concentration and labor 
oanip life in Russia. 

The force is well officered with regular officers, the old ones having been weeded 
out. The Commanding General is Lieut. General Wladyslaw Anders; second 
in command is Lieut. General Joseph Zajac. The two make an ideal team. 
Anders is the bold, imaginative and audacious leader, and Zajac the careful, 
methodical planner and executor. The Chief of Staff is Major General Rakowski 
of whom it is said that he knows the duties of every man in the ranks. Other 
generals are Tokarzewski, Kopanski, Szyszko-Bohusz. My impression is that 
the Polish officer is militarily well educated and well qualified in his profession. 
Given the necessary equipment for his men, he will lead them ably. 

Henry I. Szymanski, 

Lt. Colonel, Infantry, 
Liaison Officer to Polish Army. 

Mr. Sheehan. Colonel Szymanski, in your covering letter of May 
29, 1943, to Major General Strong, you list the items that you are 
sending him, and under appendix 4 you list excerpts of conversations 
between General Sikorski, General Anders, and Stalin and Molotov. 
Are those conversations part of this record here ? 

Colonel SzTMANSKL Yes, sir. 

Mr. Mitchell. Congressman, those are part of exhibit 10 (A). 

Mr. Sheehan. Are those the originals there, or copies ? 

Mr. Mitchell. Photostatic copies. 

Mr. Sheehan. Mr. Counsel, have we been notified what happened 
to the original ? 

IVIr. Mitchell. You have them on the left-hand side, unclassified. 
The name? have not been stricken out. The original is over there 

Mr. Sheehan. I also understand, for the sake of the record, that 
these excerpts were sent to the Nuremberg trials as part of our docu- 
mentary evidence in building up the trials. Do you know anything 
about that. Colonel ? 

Colonel Szymanski. No, sir. 

Mr. Sheehan. Have 3'ou been informed anything about that, Mr. 
Counsel ? 

Mr. Mitchell. Not officially, only on the basis of a pencil note on 
the original letter which was on the letter when we received it from 
tlie War Department. 

INIr. Sheehan. To what effect? 

Mr. Mitchell. "Documents sent to the Nuremberg trial," with an 
arrow pointing to appendix 4 on Colonel Szymanski's original letter 
of May 29, 1943, a photostatic copy of wliicli is part of exhibit 10 (A). 

Mr. Sheehan. The originals are in here, then, are they? 

Mr. ]\IiTCHELL. I have in no way touched these reports as a part 
of this exhibit because my instructions from the committee were that 
tliey were to remain as they are. Whatever notes are on there, linnd- 
written notes, pencil, I want the record to definitely sliow (hat no 
one on the committee staff has in any way touched any of these re- 
ports. I do not know who placed these ]iencil notes on the original 
but it was probably someone in the War De]iartment. 

Mr. Sheehan. Without stiulying exhibit 10 (A), is ai>pendix 4 
in tliere, the originals, Mr. Counsel ? 

Mr. Mitchell. I will see. 


]\Ir. Spieeiian. For the sake of the record will you see if appendix 
4 is in there, Colonel ? 

Mr. FuRCOLO. It is page 20, in the photostats, if you have this 
numbered right. 

Mr. Mitchell, Congressman Sheehan, the colonel says that he 
cannot find that appendix among the original reports. However, on 
our photostatic copies we have it. But the photostatic copies were 
made from the carbon copy of Colonel Szymanski original of appendix 
4. We do have the carbon copy of appendix 4 but the original doesn't 
seem to be here. 

Mr. Machrowicz. The photostatic copy was taKen from these 
documents ? 

Mr. Mitchell. Yes ; from the carbon copies of the originals. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What happened to the original of appendix 

Mr. Mitchell. I don't know. 

Mr. Machrowicz. In whose possession w'as the original report? 

Mr. Mitchell. G-2. 

]Mr. Sheehan. Apparently G-2 sent this to us without the appendix 
4 in it. 

Mr. Mitchell. They sent the photostatic copies also. 

Mr. Sheehan. Are we making the photostatic copies a part of the 
record ? 

Mr. Mitchell. Yes, they are now exhibit lOA. 

Mr. Sheehan. Apparently the original of appendix 4 is not here. 
I had been given to understand it was sent as part of the original 
documents in the Xuremberg trials. I may be wrong on that. But 
the point I now want to get at, at any time did the Department of 
the Army, the State Department, or the International Military Tri- 
bunal ever consult with you or ask you about these particular con- 
versations that you originally included in your report i 

Colonel Szymanski. No, sir. 

Mr. Sheehan. Thank you. 

Mr. FuRCOLO. Will the gentleman yield? 

Mr. Sheehan. I will be glad to yiekl to Mr. Furcolo for a minute, 

Mr. Furcolo. I Avant to ask you a question about those conversa- 
tions on page 20 to 25 of exhibit lOA. As I understand it they pur- 
port to be a verbatim transcript of conversations between Stalin, 
Molotov, General Anders, and General Sikorski, is that right? 

Colonel Szymanski. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Furcolo. Do not reveal the name if for any reason you should 
not do so, but what I am interested in is where did that report of the 
conversation come from ? Did that come f rome someone who himself 
was present at the conversation ? 

Colonel Szymanski. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Furcolo. Did it come from General Sikorski, if you know? 

Colonel Szymanski. This came from General Anders; but I dis- 
cussed this with General Sikorski. 

Mr. Furcolo. That is what I want to get. Those conversations have 
been repeated in book after book and document after document. Up 
to now I have not been able to find any witness wdio has actually talked 
with someone who was present at those conversations. Do I under- 
stand correctly that one of the participants in those conversations 
referred to in pages 20 to 25 is the source of that transcription ? 

Colonel Szymanski. Yes, sir. 


Mr. FuRCOLO. Secondly, do I also understand that one of the other 
participants in the conversation, General Anders in this case, talked 
with you about it? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. FuRcoi.o. In other words, wdiat you are telling this committee 
is that those conversations that are described took place with Stalin 
and Molotov according to the information that was given to you by 
the two men who were in on the conversations? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. FuRCOi.o. That is all I have. 

Chairman Madden, Congressman Sheehan. 

Mr. Sheehan. Colonel, I seem to be the chief inquisitor for the 
time being, but you will be through with me in a short while. 

Colonel, for the sake of the record there are some things I want to 
have you read in as much as these are your reports. 

Mr. Mitchell. That is exhibit No. 11 the Congressman is reading 

]\Ir. Sheehan. Is this already a part of the record? 

Mr. Mitchell. It is. 

Mr. Sheehan. I have marked the first one. If you will just read 
that paragraph No. 4 and get it into the record at this time. 

Colonel SzYMANSKi (reading) : 

The entrance of Bolshevik troops came as a distinct surprise to the popiUation, 
the civilian and the militai-y authorities. From conversations I gather that 
the Bolshevik commanders had two sets of orders, one a directive for peaceful 
entry as a supposed ally of the Poles, and the other to he read Avhen certain 
points were reached of entirely different purport. 

Mr. Sheehan. For the purpose of the record, Colonel, that bears 
on the testimony which has been given to us previously that the 
Russians supposedly came as allies into Poland, and when the}' reached 
a certain point they were all set to take it over. These were your 
comments fi-oni the reports that were given to you, is that right? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sheehan. There is another thing interesting to the American 

Mr. Mitchell. Who do you receive those re])orts from ? 

Colonel SzY'MANSKi. General Anders and different officials of the 
Polish Government. 

Mr. Sheehan. If you will read section 4. page 2, with reference to 

Colonel SzYMANSKi (reading) : 

All trade unions were abolished. Workers' wages remained low despite rising^ 
prices. The unemployment problem was solved by voluntary deportation to 
Russia. The peasants and small farmers were forced to .ioin the Kolhoz, a 
form of collective farming, wliere they soon learned they had no liberty to 
exchange their products for industrial commodities. 

Mr. Sheehan. 'J'liank you. 

Again that bears out tlie testimony of witnesses that many of them 
were sent to Russia. 

Section 2, here, Colonel is the next one, I believe. Will you be kind 
enough to read that for the sake of the record ? 

Mr. MrrciiKLL. The same exhibit. 


Colonel SzYMANSKi (reading) : 

After the invasion of September 17, 1030, tlie Soviets liad held a plebiscite in 
occupied I'uland. All the candidates proposed by the Soviets were elected. 
There were no other candidates. Eastern Poland was thus joined to the Soviet 
Republic. Soviet citizenship papers were issued to all inhabitants of the Soviet 
occupied part of Poland. All became citizens of the Soviet Republic. All papers- 
of identitication of the deportees were taken away from them and in their places 
were issued Soviet citizenship papers. Reference to the date November 1, 1039, 
in subsequent paragraphs and attached translations of Polish reports is in effect 
a reference to plebiscite and the issuance of citizenship papers. 

Mr. Sheehax. Thank yon, Colonel. I tliink that speaks for itself. 

The last part I want yon to read is on fntnre Soviet relationship. 
Let's see if I can get hold of that. Page 4. These are apparently ob- 
servations of yonr own, are they not ( Take a look at them before 
yon state that. 

Colonel SzYMAXSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SiiEEiiAx. "Will yon be kind enough to read into the record 
your own personal observations of the evidence that was given to you? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi (reading) : 

Polish-Soviet relations are maked by differences which are, in my humble 
opinion, irreconcilable. These differences are irreconcilable at present because 
(a) the Soviets did not carry out their end of the Polish-Soviet nonaggression 
pact, ib) the Soviets are not carrying out the provisions of the Polish-Soviet 
agreement of July .30, 1941, (c) Stalin's promises to Sikorski and Roosevelt are 
not being kept, (d) there are still some OOO.OtM) Polish citizens deportees in Russia 
slowly being exterminated through overwork and undernourishment, (e) there 
are still some '>(),( M!0 Polish children slowly dying of starvation. 

3. If the Soviets forsake their communistic and imperialistic aspirations there 
is a good chance that peace may reign in the eastern pai't of I'oland. 

4. The Polisli Government and Army officials are making a determined effort 
to reconcile the differences. The attitude of the Government is realistic. 

5. ThoTisands of families broken up, deported, tortured, and starved cannot 
so easily forget the immediate past. Young men just out of Russia, young men 
6 months out of Russia, ask not for bread, but for rifles, willing to die provided' 
thr;- can bair their toll of Nazis and then of Bolsheviks. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you mind showing the prophetic qualities 
of our witness by giving the date of that report ? 

Mr. Sheehan. What is the date of that report, Colonel Szymanski ? 

Colonel SzYMAxsKi. November 22, 1942. 

Mr. Flood. The last conclusions you gave were all very clear. Tlie 
first two deal with actual treaties the Poles and the Soviet made. 
Suppose you just tell us in a sentence or two what was the component 
part of the treaty of 1932 between Poland and the Soviet and the 1941 
amnesty agreement, so the record will show what you ment by the 
first two points. 

Colonel Szymanski, The first treaty of nonaggresion, the most 
important part was that neither country would attack the other. The 
agreement of 1941, July 30, 1941, was an agreement whereby all of 
the Polish nationals then in Russia would be immediately released 
and whereby an Army would be formed within Poland. 

Mr. Flood. And the 1932 agreement between Poland and the Soviet, 
the first agreement you gave, was extended in 1934 to run I believe 
until 1939, wasn't it? 

Colonel SzYMAXSKi. Twenty years, sir, which was broken by the 
the invasion by Russia 

Mr. Flood. But the original 1932 2-year agreement was actually in 
existence at the time it was breached. 


Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Mitchell. I believe in 1934 it was extended to 1945. 

Mr. Flood. I just want the colonel to show in the record what he 
means. It is well done. 

Mr. SnEEHAN. The purpose of these secret reports and your being 
appointed liaison man with the Polish Government was to inform 
our G-2, our intelligence of the actual facts, is that right or wrong? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Right, sir. 

Mr. Sheehan. Could I assume as a nonmilitary man that once the 
proper authorities of G-2 are informed of the facts, it is their business 
to assess the facts, their importance and so forth, and to refer them 
to higher echelon ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. That is the purpose of intelligence. 

Mr. Sheehan. Then could we safely assume that such reports as 
you submitted, which I know are substantiated by other I'eports, be- 
cause I know there is an English report tliat substantially reports to 
the English Government some of the findings you have here, can we 
safely suppose that higher echelon such as General Marshall, who was 
our commander in chief, would know about these if they were of suf- 
ficient importance ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yer, sir. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. In fact, didn't General Marshall ask you to make 
the report ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. On one phaze of it only, sir. 

I should explain that when there is a signature on a cable it doesn't 
necessarily mean that that cable or that message was composed by the 
individual. The custom was that to a theater commander, as Gen- 
eral Brereton was, only the chief of staff would sign a message. 
Whether General Marshall actually wrote that or not I don't know. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Which cable are you referring to now? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. The cable that directed me to make an investi- 
gation of the Katyn affair, in April 1943. 

Mr. Sheehan. Colonel, I would like to make just one or two state- 
ments here to sort of tie this thing up. Assuming this was dynamite, 
as you said, and you knew it was, I have already stated we know of an 
English report to the English Government which has been sent to the 
United States Government where they say substantially the same as 
you said, about the great importance of the Katyn massacre and Soviet 
relations. I also know, which so far is not a part of our report here, 
that there is a report from another military attache in a neutral coun- 
try who has seen the facts and figures about Katyn and Polish-Soviet 
relationship and in that report he states the great importance of this 
matter. We know that recently Colonel Van Vliet testified (he was 
the American soldier who was brought by the Germans to Katyn), 
and I believe 5 or 6 days after he was freed from a German prison 
camp they flew him back to Washington. He stated that General 
Collins said his testimony was so vital that nobody but the highest of- 
ficers should touch it. Do you remember that, ]\tr. Madden ? 

Chairman IMadden. Yes, that is right. 

Mr. Sheehan. With all your fine reports and your fine diagnosis, 
plus all these other reports, it seems to me that either (Teneral INIar- 
shiill, wlio we know from history had a very potent hand in making 
many of the decisions with Russia, or somebody in G-2 Avas negligent, 


maybe, in not brinoing these reports to the attention of the proper 
authorities, such as the State Department or the President. Is that a 
right or a wrong conclusion ? 

Colonel SzYMAxsKi. I would say that is a correct conclusion. . 

Mr. Sheehax. I think, Mr. Chairman, that ends my questioning of 
the witness. 

Chairman Maddex. Have you any knowledge that General Marshall 
ever heard about these reports ? 

Colonel SzYMAXSKi. No, sir. 

Chairman Maddex. Have you any knowledge as to how far your 
report got after it arrived at the G-2 office? 

Colonel SzYMAxsKi. No, sir. 

Chairman Maddex. That is all. Wait a minute. Who was at the 
head of G-2 then ? 

Colonel SzYMAxsKi. General Strong. 

Chairman Maddex. When did General Bissel come in? 

Colonel SzYMAxsKi. I was away. I don't know, sir. 

Chairman Maddex: But General Strong was the head of G-2 all 
the time you were there ? 

Colonel SzYMAxsKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Colonel Szymanski, one of the tasks which you 
had assigned to you was the interrogation of these various Polish of- 
ficers in order to determine the fate of the lost Polish officers in Rus- 
sia, is that correct ? 

Colonel SzYMAxsKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You interviewed a number of them, is that 
correct ? 

Colonel SzYMAXSKi. Yes, sir; quite a number. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Could you give us a rough estimate of how many 
you interviewed ? 

Colonel SzYMAXSKi. A couple of hundred. 

Mr. Machrowicz. In these voluminous reports that you sent you 
included the depositions of quite a few of them, did you not? 

Colonel SzYMAXSKi. No, sir, not depositions of the officers. 

INIr. Machrowicz. You have some depositions here. 

Colonel SzYMAXsKi. But depositions from some noncommissioned 

]Mr. Machrowicz. Of the officers that you interviewed 

Colonel SzYMAXSKi. There are two de]:)Ositions of officers who were 
in Russia at the time and had talks with Beria, the head of the Secret 
Service of Russia. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I know we don't have the time nor probably do 
you have an exact memory of what you found from all of them, but 
I would like to know whether or not you can give us a general idea, 
a summary of what you found from examining these various officers 
regarding the fate of the Polish officers in Russia. 

Colonel SzYMAXSKi. Most of them explained briefly the treatment 
they received in camps as POW's, that the officers as a whole were 
not treated as prisoners of war but were treated as political prisoners 
and were turned over to the Russian secret police. All the interroga- 
tion was done by the secret police. It was mostly to find out what the 
political background was of these Polish officers. When I speak of 
officers I should take into consideration other, shall we say, educated 


classes. There was quite a luiinber of priests there. There Avere 
doctors there. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Without jroino; into the detail regardiiifr their 
ti-eatnient at prison camps, which is included in the reports, can you 
tell us, generally speaking, what the conclusion of these officers was 
as to who was responsible for the Katyn incident? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. There is no question about it as far as their 
oj)inion is concerned. 

]\Ir. Maciikowicz. What was their opinion? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. That the Russians did it. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Of the several hundred that you interviewed 
did you find one who had any other opinion than that? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. No, sir. 

Mr. Machrowicz. You have included in your report an appendix 

4. Do you have it before you ? 
Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Machrowicz, These are excerj^ts of conversations between 
Sikorski, Anders, Stalin, and Molotov. As I understand from a 
previous question, you got this excerpt from whom? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. I got this from General Anders. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And General Anders was present and also served 
as interpreter at the conversations, is that right? 

(■olonel SzYMANSKi. That is right, sir. 

Mr. SiiEEHAN. First-hand testimony, 

Mr, Machrowicz, He was present chiring the conversation and 
acted as interpi-eter, and gave you a verbatim report of what hap- 
pened ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you know how he ha]ipened to get a ver- 
batim report? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Usually inunediately after any kind of a meet- 
ing they make a memoranchnn of the meeting, and in an important one 
like this General Sikorski and General Anders would naturally get 
together and see that it was correct and that it was exactly what tran- 
spired. General Sikorski also told me about this, 

Mr, Machorowicz, In other words, immediately after the conver- 
sati(ms tliey got together and wrote from memory the complete text of 
the conversations they just had to the best of their memory ? 

(\>lonel SzYMANSKi, Yes, sir, 

Mr, Machrowicz, Because I believe this is an important document I 
would ask you if you would refer to that exhibit, starting from page 

5, and I'ead to us the text of that conversation, which is not very long. 
Colonel SzYMANSKi, Starting with "General Sikorski''? 

Mr, Machrowicz, Yes, 

(\)lonel SzYMANSKi (reading) : "(iieneral Sikorski : But I '' 

Mr, Machrowkiz, What you are reading now is the at'tual text of 
the conversation between these [)e()ple, right ? 
(^olonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir, 

CJenoral Sikdkski. I'nt I return to onr Imsiiicss. 1 licrc stilt" in your jtres- 
oiict>, Mr. I'n'sidciit, tliat your dcclarntion of aniiu'sty is not bein.u' executed. 
Many and the most vnluahlt' of our lu'oiile remain still in the labor camps and 
in prisons.' (makinjjc u note). This is not possible as the amnesty concerned all 
and so all the Poles are released. 

(He addressed these last words to Mololov. .Molotov assents to them.) 


Genenil Axdeks ( quutes particulars at the retiuest of (Jeneral Sikorski). This 
is not in accordance witli tlie real state of things, as we have quite precise data 
out of which it results that in the camps those released first were the Jews, then 
the Ukranians, and lastly the Polish working elements chosen among those physi- 
cally weaker. The stronger ones were kept l)ack and only a small part of them 
were set free. I have in the Arnjy men who have Ijeen released from such camps 
only a few weeks ago and who state that iu the single camps remained still 
hundreds and even thousands of our country men. The orders of the Govern- 
ment are not being executed there, as the commanders of the single camps having 
the obligation of executing the production plan do not want to get rid of the 
best working material, without the contribution of which the execution of the 
plan could be some times impossible. 

Molotov (smiles and makes a nod of assenting.) 

General Anders. These people do not understand at all the great importance 
of our commcni cause, which in this way is lieing greatly prejudiced. 

Stalin. Those people should be pro.secuted. 

General Anders. Yes: so they should. 

SiKORSKi. It does not belong to us to present to the Soviet Government the 
detailed lists of our men, but the commanders of the camps are in possession of 
such full lists. I have here with me a list with the names of about 4,000 officers 
who had been deported by force and who at present are still in prisons and in 
labor camps, and even this list is not complete as it contains onlj- the names 
which could be compiled by us out of memory. I gave orders to verify whether 
said officers were not in Poland as we were in permanent contact with our 
country. It has l>een proved that no one of them was there, neither have they 
been traced in the camps of our prisoners of war in Germany. These men are 
here. None of them has returned. 

Stalin. It is not possible : they must have run away. 

Anders. Where to? 

Stalin. Well, to ]\Ianchuria. 

Anders. This is impossible that they could have run away, all of them, so 
much more that with the moment of their deportation from the prisoners' camps 
to the labor camps and to the prisons every correspondence between them and 
their families had stopped. I know exactly from officers who have returned 
even from Kolyma that a great number of our officers is still there, each of them 
quoted by name. I also know that there were transpwrts of Poles pi-epared 
already for release and departure, and that in the last moment these trans- 
ports have been kept back. I have news that our men are sojourning even 
in Newfoundland. The majority of the officers quoted in this list are person- 
ally known to me. Among these men are my staff officers and commanders. 
These people perish there and die in dreadful conditions. 

Stalin. They certainly have been released, only they did not arrive until now. 

SiKORSKi. Russia has immense territories and the difficulties are also great. 
It may be that the local authorities have not executed the orders. Those who 
arrive after having been released state that the others vegetate and work. Had 
anybody .succeeded in getting out of the Russian borders he certainly would 
report to me. 

Stalin. You should know that the Soviet Government has not the slightest 
motive to keep back even one single Pole. I have even released Soskowski's 
agents who were organizing a tax on us and murdering our people. 

Anders. Still declarations continue to flow in concerning people known to us, 
quoting the names of their prisons and the numbers of their cells where they 
are confined. I know the names of a great number of camps where an enor- 
mous mass of Poles has been detained and is compelled to work. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That conversation was dated December 3, lOJzl ; 
is tliat correct ? 

Colonel Szymanski. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Mactirowicz. It was held at the Kremlin ; is that correct ? 

Colonel Szymanski. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Machrowicz. There is just one other very brief conversation 
which you have reported and which I would like to have you read into 
the record, and that is the conversation at the Kremlin on the 18th 
day of March 1942, at which were present Stalin, General Anders, 
Colonel Okulicki, and Molotov. 


Colonel SzYMANSKi (reading) : 

Anders. Besides, many of our men are still in prisons and in labor camps. 
Those released in these last times continually report to me. Up to the present 
time the ofiicers deported from Kozielsk, Starobielsk, and Ostashkov have not 
made their appearance. They should certainly be by you. We have gathered 
supplementary particulars on them. [He hands two lists that are taken bj^ 

What could have happened with them? We have traces of their sojourn 
on the Kolyma. 

Stalin. I already have given all the necessary dispositions for their release. 
It lias been said that they even are on Francis Joseph lands, and there, as it 
is known well, there are no such people. I do not know where they are. Why- 
should I keep them? It may be that they are in some camps on territories 
now occupied by the Germans. They dispersed themselves. 

Colonel Okulicki. It is impossible. We would be aware of it. 

Stalin. We have kept back only those Poles who are spies in the German 
service. We released even those who after passed to the Germans, as for 
instance Kozlowski. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Now a third one. I can't locate it right now, 
but you probably can locate the report as to the conversations with 
Beria, who was the head of NKVD. 

Mr. Mitchell. Appendix V in exhibit lOA constains the conversa- 
tions you are referring to. They are in extract of report dated May 
6, 1943. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you have the conversation of General Beria 
where he referred to the blunder that they made ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi, Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I w^ould like to have you read that. For the 
purpose of identifying the report. General Beria was the general in 
charge of NKVD ; is that right ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. That is right. 

Mr. Machrowicz. This convei-sation is of what date ? 

Colonel SzYMAxsKi. Before October 1940. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What was present at the conversations? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Present at the conversation were Gorczynski, 
G-o-r-c-z-y-n-s-k-i ; ex-Lieutenant Colonel Bukojemski, B-u-k-o-j-e-m- 
s-k-i; and ex-Lt. Col. Sigmund Berling, B-e-r-1-i-n-g. 

JNIr. Machrowicz. Who gave you this conversation? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. This was taken from the original document, 
and I was given a true copy of it by General Anders. 

Mr. Machrowicz. General Anders prepared the document ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Or his staff. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Will you read the contents of the statement made 
by General Beria on that occasion ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi (reading) : 

According: to written declarations in the possession of Colonel Gorszynski, 
r.cria when asked aliout the date of the Tolisli otlicers prisoners of war, expressed 
himself as follows : "We made a great blunder." 

Mr. Machrowicz. That was the statement made by General Beria 
when asked about the fate of the Polish officers ? 
(V)l()iu4 SzYM.vxsKi. Yes, sir. 

Ml-. Machrowicz. He said, "We made a great blunder"? 
Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

This opinion of Beria's has been corroborated by the National Commissar 
of Public Security, Merkulov, out of P.eria's further words stating that the above 
otlicers \\en> no more. It resuKi'd that somelhiiig had happened with the ofiicers 
interned at Kozielsk and Starokielsk even before October 1940. 


JNIr. Maciirowicz. That is also part of the report that you filed with 

Colonel SzYJiANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Maciirowicz. When did you file that report ? 

Colonel SzYMAXSKi. In May 1943, sir. 

Mr. Machroavicz. Do you know Colonel Hulls ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Maciirowicz. Who is he ? 

Colonel Szymanski. Lieutenant Colonel Hulls is a Bi-itish officer 
who was my British counterpart with the Polish forces. 

Mr. Maciirowicz. Where? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. He was in Russia. I met him when he came 
with the Poles to Iran. 

Mr. Maciirowicz. Do you know whether or not Hulls was assigned 
to do any investigating regarding the Katyn incident? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. I did not see him after the announcement of 
the Katyn massacre. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you know whether or not Colonel Hulls made 
any report, knowledge of which was conveyed to you regarding this 
Katyn incident? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Concerning the disappearance of officers; yes, 

]Mr. Maciirowicz. Concerning the disappearance of Polish officers 
in Russia. 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Maciirow^icz. How did you get notice of any report that he 
may have made ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. He made copy of it available to me. 

Mr. Machrow^icz. What happened to that copy ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. That copy is in the possession of G-2 in the 
Army. It is a top secret British classified document and not available 
to us in the sense that we can pass it on without its first being declassi- 
fied by the British Government. 

Mr! Machrowicz. I am going to ask you a question. Before you 
answer that I would like to have you confer with Mr. Korth whether 
or not you are at liberty to answer it. 

Did you read that report? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Flood. May I interrupt to indicate this? I think the record 
should show that the full committee is aware of the existence of this 
so-called Hulls report, and we have communicated our awareness to 
that fact to the Department of the Army, and we have requested the 
Department of the Army to get in touch with the British Governmen 
immediately for the purpose of declassifying that document and mak- 
ing it available to this committee as an exhibit without delay. Is that 
correct ? 

Mr. KoRTH. Yes. sir; I so understand. 

Mr. Mitchell. I would like to have the record show that request 
is made as of this date. 

Mr. KoRTH. That is right. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That is all right. The request has been made and 
we have received assurances, which I have full faith in, that efforts 
will be made to have it declassified. 

93744— 52— pt. 3—^19 


Mr. KoRTH. That is correct, sir. 

Mr. ]\Iachrowicz. I have asked the witness to confer with you as to 
whether or not he is free to answer the question. The question is, Did 
you read that report ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you know what he said in that report as to 
the disappearance of these Polish officers? You had better discuss it 
with Mr. Korth before you answer. 

(Witness and Department of the Army counsel conferring.) 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. I know what is generally in the report. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you know the date of the report? For your 
information I might say it is June 18, 1942. 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. June 18, 1942. The title of it is "Polish Army 
in Russia." I submitted it to G-2 November 19, 1942. 

]\Ir. Machrowicz. So far as you know. Colonel Hulls submitted the 
original to his superiors in London '( 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Mine was one of five copies. One was given 
to the British Government, one to the British Army, one to the Polish 
Government, and one was his own copy, and the other one he gave 
to me. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I want to ask you whether or not you know or 
whether you remember whether he stated in that report that the arrest 
and the depoi'tation of millions of Poles was not a haphazard but a 
definite plan of Soviet Russia? 

Mr. KoRTH. Mr. Chairman, in connection with that report, I feel 
that with another meeting, with the declassification of this, we can 
submit the whole document to the committee. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you object to his answering that at this time? 

Mr. KoRTH. I would prefer his not answering it at this time. There 
is no desire to withhold information from the committee. 

Mr. Machrowicz. All right. 

Mr. Flood. Will the gentleman yield? Maybe we can accomplish 
our purpose for the record at this point, although we are all in agree- 
ment as to what is to be done, by this kind of question : 

Colonel, are you aware of the connotation of this new term "geno- 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Flood. From your best recollection of the contents of the 
so-called Hulls report, without directing your attention to any par- 
ticular part thereof, but from the four corners of the document, would 
you say tliat the gist of the Hulls report dealt with the so-called crime 
of genocide? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Without a shadow of doubt. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Just one other question to clarify that. Would 
you say that, generally speaking, his findings were very much the 
same as yours were? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

IVIr, Machrowicz. From your discussions with these various people, 
and from your own investigations, have you personall}" come to a 
conclusion as to who was guilty of the crime of Katyn? 

( yolonel SzYMANSKi. It is a personal opinion. 

Mr. Machrowicz. All right. Have you come to it? All of us have 
only au opiuion. Xo one of us has a complete conviction. 


Colonel SzYMANSKi, Based upon the conversations and based upon 
the feeling of the Poles, there is no doubt about it but that, in my 
opinion, the Russians committed it. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Would you want to give the reasons which led 
you to that conclusion ? 

(The witness conferred with Department of the Army counsel.) 

Mr. Mitchell. Will you repeat that question, pleased 

Mr. Machrowicz. Will you give the reasons why you have come to 
that conclusion ? 

Colonel SzTMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What are they ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. In the report which already is exhibit 11 and 
indicates the condition of the refugees which were evacuated from 
Russia to Iran in 1942, I specifically ])icked out pictures of children 
that I took myself, and their condition, because if the children came 
out in that condition it is certain that the adults perhaps suffered even 
more. Second, never in all the conversations concerning the disap- 
pearance of the officers did the Russians explain that they were cap- 
tured by the advancing Nazis. Third, why don't the Soviets account 
for the balance of the 15,000 officers that disappeared in Russia? 

Fourth, the Polish underground sources made a search in Poland 
and could not find even one returnee, and they had exceptionally fine 
contact with all of them. None of the relatives received any mail 
after May 1940. 

Lastly, I visited POW camps, Polish POW camps in Germany. 

Mr. Machrowicz. How many prisoner-of-war camps of the Ger- 
mans in which Polish officers were confined, did you visit? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. I visited two of them. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Did you have ample opportunity to see the 
treatment of these officers ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Not the treatment so much, because I wasn't 
in prison when they were there, but I saw the condition when I did 
get there. 

Mr. Machrowicz. What was it? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. They were not undernourished, they were 
fairly well dressed, they were depressed mentally because they had 
been in for over 5 years, but they were certainly alive. 

Mv. MACHKcnvicz. That is an imj^ortant question. Did they dis- 
ap] )ear eventually ? 

Colonel Szy:manski. Thej' were taken over by the Polish Govern- 

Mr. Machrowicz. In other words, those Polish officers in German 
prison camps did not disappear? 

Colonel SzYMANsKi. No, sir. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And those Polish officers who were in Russian 
camps did disappear, is tliat correct? 

Colonel Szymanski. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Machrowicz. May I have the report of December 8 ? 

Mr. KoRTH. Yes, sir. It is right here. 

Colonel Szymanski. I would like to clarify- one point there. I more 
or less may seem like defending the Nazis. I certainly don't want 
the implication that I am a Nazi in any way, because I also visited 
Buchenwald and Dachau, and I saw the treatment of the humans 
there. They did at least observe some rules of law concerning the 
treatment of prisoners of war. 


Mr. Mitchell. Do you know of any instance where the Germans 
violated the international agreement at The Hague governing the 
working of officers who were POW's? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. No, sir ; I rlo not know of an instance of that. 

Mr. Machrowicz. This is not the report that I wanted. I asked 
for the report of December 8. 

Mr. KoRTH. I am sorry, sir. I thought that exhibit 12 was the one 
to which you had reference. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I want the one Mr. Szymanski brought in to- 

Mr. KoRTH. That is the one. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That is not December 8. 

Mr. KoRTH. That is the one he brought in today, sir; isn't that 

Mr. Mitchell. It is the second page. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Is there another report besides this that you have 
in your possession, M^iich has not yet been brought up ? 

Colonel Szymanski. No. 

Mr. Machrowicz. May I ask you, did you ever file any report with 
any recommendations of forming a military intelligence agency? 

(The witness conferred with Department of the Army counsel.) 

Mr. Korth. Mr. Chairman, I think that the witness must respect- 
fully decline to answer that, from what he has just told me. I did 
not know the nature of the question prior to the time it was asked. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I asked for the report of December 8, and you 
gave me the report of November something. 

Mr. KoRTH. Sir, I was handed that report by Colonel Szymanski. 
I thought that was what you had in mind. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Is there another report or letter besides that. I 
will ask the colonel, which has not yet been brought to our attention ? 

Mr. KoRTH. It is not a report, sir, that you speak of. It is a rec- 
ommendation to G-2. Is that -what you have reference to? There is 
no other report. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Every report has a recommendation. 

Mr. KoRTH. As I understand from Colonel Szymanski, there is no 
additional report. There is a recommendation. 

INIr. Machrowicz. I do not care what you call it. 

]Mr. KoRTH. He did make a recommendation, as I understand it. 

Colonel Szymanski. Yes. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do we have that? 

Mr. Korth. Do you have it with you? 

Could we have about a oO-second recess, Mr. Chairman? 

(The Avitness conferred with Department of the Army counsel.) 

Mr. Machrowicz. I think the committee would like to Imow what 
the content of that report or recommendation is. 

IVIr. Korth. I have no objection to your seeing it in executive session. 
I am not trying to hide anything. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Let me folknv that with one question, and then 
we can see it in executive session. 

Colonel, without reference to the contents of that recommendation, 
there was a recommendation made by you on or about December 8, 
1943, to G-2? 

Colonel Szymanski. Yes, sir. 


Mr. Machrowicz. Just one otlier question. Was that followed 11 
days later with a cablegram, the contents of w4iich we are going to 
discuss in accordance with a previous agreement? 

Mr. KoRTii. It was the 2od, I think. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Let us get the date. You made a recommenda- 
tion to G-2 on or about December 8, is that correct ? 

Colonel SzYMAisrSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Maciirow^icz. 1943 ? 

Colonel SzTiviANSKi. 1943. 

jVIr. Machrowicz. And following that — on what date? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. December 19. 

Mr. KoRTii. You are right, sir. 

Mr. Machrowicz. That recommendation was followed by a cable- 
gram dated December 19? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Machrowicz. As I understand, we are not going to discuss that 
cablegram at this time, but what I do w\ant to know is, that cablegram 
followed a report and recommendation of December 8, 1943 ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Flood. I think the record at that point should show that the 
entire committee is aware of the existence of that telegi'am and has 
seen the telegram. The Army has not had a chance yet to examine 
the original microfilm of the said telegram. A copy of the telegram 
is now in the possession of the colonel, and the Army is going to meet 
with the committee at a special open session at 10 o'clock next AVednes- 
day morning in Washington for the very purpose of examination on 
the basis of the declassified telegram, is that correct ? 

Mr. KoRTH. That is right, sir. 

We understand that, and we will comply with the wishes of the 

Mr. Machrowicz. That is all. 

Mr. Flood. Colonel, I am a precisionist, as far as the record is con- 
cerned. I want to have the record in order on this point. I am now 
reading from exhibit No. 11, part of your report, that part thereof 
described as "Polish-Russian Relations; Relations between the period 
July 30, 1941-October 30, 1942." I quote as follows : 

1. On June 22, 1941, Germany attacked Russia. On July 30, 1941, the Polish- 
Soviet agreement was concluded. The text is as follows : 

This is a quotation within a quotation, with underlining in the quo- 

"The Government of the U. S. S. R. recognizes the Soviet-German treaties of 
1939 as to territorial changes in Poland as having lost their validity. The Polish 
Government declares that Poland is not bound by any agreement with any third 
power which is directed against the U. S. S. R." 

Now, I go to that part of the same page, point 5, which says as 
follows, and I quote: 

This agreement will come into force immediately upon signature and without 

Now, the protocol, quotation within a quotation: 

"The Soviet Government grants an amnesty to all Polish citizens now de- 
tained on Soviet territory, either as prisoners of war or on other sulticient 
grounds, as from the resumption of diplomatic relations." 


'J1ieu I fjo to that \n\^e of tlio same exhibit, your said report, called 
"Polish-IUissiau Relations; Relations prior to Bolshevik invasion, 
September 17, 1939," and I quote point 3 thereof as follows : 

On September 17, 1939, the Polish Ambassador to the U. S. S. R. was read a 
note in the Kremlin to the effect that {(i) the Soviets regarded the Polish. 
Government as disintegrated and the Polish state as having in fact ceased to 
exist; (b) that consequently, all agreements l)et\veen the two countries were 
rendered invalid; (c) that Poland, without leadership, constituted a threat to 
the U. S. S. R. ; (d) that the Soviet Government could not view with indifference 
the fate of the Ukrainians and White Russians living on Polish territory; (e) 
that accordingly, the Soviet Government had ordered its troops to cross the 
Polish liorder for their protection; (/) and that the Soviet Government proposed 
to extricate the Polish people from the unfortunate war into which they were 
dragged by their unwise leaders and enable them to live a peaceful life. 

Do you recognize those statements? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

JVIr. Flood. Now, I want to go for a minute to perhaps a higher 
realm of our discussion, but being a very intelligent intelligence 
officer — and that does not always follow — let us see what we can do 
about motives. 

You have had extraordinary experience on this mission. You have 
had vast opportunity to converse with military and civil leaders of 
the Allied nations, with |)articular reference to the Poles and their 
allies. Directing your attention to the year 1939, I am trying to lind 
out why would the Russians from 1939 to 1911, if they committed this 
oti'ense, why, in the sense of motives, would they do it ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Genocide. 

Mr. Flood. Besides genocide, can you think of political reasons 
specihcally resulting from historic and traditional situations within 
Russia? Why would the Russians want to kill 15,000 military offi- 
cers, separate from the fact that they were intelligentsia and the 
recognized concept of genocide, from the military point of view? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. They couldn't swing the officers over to their 
way or their ideology. They couldn't control the officers. Of the 
15,000, only 20 defected, which is a tribute in itself. 

]Mr. Flood. It has been indicated by several reputable witnesses, 
l*olisli oflicers from Kozielsk and Starobielsk who have testified be- 
fore this committee, that they were subjected to an unending barrage 
of propaganda to convert them to communism, without success. 
Does your conclusion follow from that kind of fact? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Flood. Do you agree, from your experience, that there was at 
that time a conceivable counterrevolutionary situation existing be- 
hind the Russian line among the Russian people, the various elements 
of the Russian people? 

Colonel Szv.AtAxsKi. Not from the stories I got from the Poles, 
and that would be my only source. 

Mr. Flood. Was tliere ever brought to your attention a situation 
that was imtentially revolutionary in the Ukraine? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. No, sir. 

Mr. Flood. Would it be conceivable that the Russians would want 
to li(iuidato an officer corps that, if released from prison camps, 
couhl be 1 he leaders of a revolution behind the Russian line ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 


Mr. Flood. If that is conceivable, wonlcl it make an intelligent 
motive for the Russians to eliminate revolutionary leadership ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Flood. Is that beyond the realm of reason in this case ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. No, sir. 

Mr. Flood. It is conceivably, therefore, a motive ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. That is right, sir. 

Mr. Flood. Now, let us jump to the other side of the line. No, let 
us not jump quite so quickly. Let us go back to the Russians. 

It has been indicated by a Russian colonel today, and it is not im- 
known to intelligent historians, that mass executions, mass migra- 
tions, mass murder are not a novelty in the Russian political world, 
back to the imperial days, perhaps down to date. Is that not so ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Flood. You were not surprised or stunned or shocked, or you 
would not be, if it turned out that the Russians did this crime ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. No, sir ; I would not be. 

Mr. Flood. It was indicated by a Russian colonel today that the 
Katyn massacre was not a great subject of conversation among the 
Russian officer corps because, from their point of view or thinking, 
it was really a minor incident. 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Correct. 

Mr. Flood. If that is all true, and if the Russians are more or less 
experts at this kind of thing, why do you think they would commit 
such a blunder within a hop, skip, and jump of the Polish border in 
the Katyn Forest where somebody with his eyes open would stumble 
over the whole thing ? 

Colonel SzYMANsKi. The workings of the Russian secret police are 
such that it is almost utterly impossible to get anything out of that 

Mr. Flood. Do you have any opinion as to why such skilled mass 
executioners would perform such a mass execution in that area, under 
the circumstances ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. No, sir. 

Mr. Flood. I am sure you are aware of the geographical location 
of Smolensk. 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

]\Ir. Flood. I direct your attention now to the dates of the alleged 
crime. Would it be conceivable for the Russians to feel, keeping in 
mind where the German lines were and where the Russian lines were, 
that the Russians had no reason to believe or expect or think that 
Smolensk would fall to the Germans and the crime be discovered ? Is 
that not an intelligent thinking? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Flood. It would not be unreasonable for the Russians so to 
think, under the tactical situation that existed at the time of the 
alleged crime? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Flood. The tactical situation was then and is now common 
knowledge ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. That is right, sir. 

Mr. Flood. That could be one indication of why what might be 
considered a stupid site was selected, that they felt secure, perhaps? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 


Mr. Flood. Now, let us take a look at the Germans. Directing your 
attention to the years that these crimes were perpetrated, no matter 
whose date you take, can you agree — and I am sure you know the 
facts — that Hitler was in a rather precarious position at that time? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. No, sir ; he was not. 

Mr. Flood. Comparatively, in '39? Do you think that he was ex- 
periencing any trouble with the German General Staff vis-a-vis the 
attack upon Russia ? 

I mean 1941. What did I say — 1939 ? I mean the summer of 1941. 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. There were probably staff discussions and dis- 
agreements which were finally ironed out, and perhaps they did ex- 
actly what Hitler said. 

Mr. Flood. Not "perhaps." They did exactly what Hitler said, did 
they not ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. I wasn't there, and I couldn't very well say. 

Mr. Flood. Have you ever heard it indicated that the German Gen- 
eral Staff opposed violently the attack upon Russia, and it was only 
by orders of Hitler that the undesirable creation of a two-front war 
was instituted? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. No, sir • 

Mr. Flood. You never heard that. This has nothing to do, really, 
with your type of testimony. If you mind this kind of thing 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Maybe I am not expert enough on this. 

Mr. Flood. I think you are. I am trying to probe both sides to see 
what was going on in their minds, if I can, and then we will apply the 
facts to what we find as motives, you see. 

You have heard of panslavism? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Flood. You have heard it indicated that Russia was looked 
upon by the smaller Slav nations as "Mother Russia," and the leading 
Slav protector ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Except by the Poles. 

Mr. Flood. Except by the Poles. 

The Germans were not unaware of that state of mind or this geo- 
political phrase, "panslavism"? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. That is right, sir. 

Mr. Flood. It would militate to the advantage of the Germans if 
they could drive a wedge between any Slavic group ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Flood. And if the Germans were laboring under any impression 
that tlie Poles and the Slavs were happily married, they might have 
taken this kind of action as happened at Katyn for the purpose of 
turning the Poles against the Russians? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Flood. That is not beyond the kind of fantasy that I am engag- 
ing in now, is it ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. No, sir. 

INIr. Flood. In all of your experiences and in all of your conversa- 
tions, have you ever uneartlied one scintilla of evidence which would 
support that kind of German thinking or action? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. No, sir. 

Mr. Flood. I just wanted to know what you thought about those 

Chairman ]VL\dden. Any further questions ? 


Mr. Mitchell. Did you at any time during your discussions with 
the Polish Corps, General Anders, Ozapski, those men that you have 
reported to us here today, receive an explanation as to why, since the 
Germans took over the Smolensk area in August of 1941 and held it 
through August 1043, they delayed releasing this report until April 
13, 1943, when they shocked the world with it? Have you got any 
version that you could give this committee with respect to the delay ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. I haven't seen anything which stated that they 
did find the graves before more or less, say, April, when they first 
announced it. 

Mr. Mitchell. Did the Polish people that you may have talked to 
have any information? 

Colonel SzYMAXSKi. Not that I know. 

Mr. Machkowicz. Such as what, Mr. Counsel ? 

Mr. Mitchell. As to why there was a delay from August 1941, 
when the Germans took the Smolensk area, until April 1943. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Have you established when the Germans located 
the graves? 

Mr. Mitchell. April 1943. That is when they announced it. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Do you know when they found them? 

Mr. ^Mitchell. April 1943, but they had this area from August 
1941 until April 1943. Why didn't they discover these graves sooner? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. That is probably operational there. 

INIr. Mitchell. I just wanted to know if he heard anything from 
the Polish officers or anybody else who may have been in Russia at 
that time. 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. No, sir. 

Mr. Mitchell. After all, he was the American liaison officer as- 
signed specifically to it. 

Chairman Madden. They could not announce it until they discov- 
ered the graves and there is no evidence that they had discovered the 
graves any long period of time before they amiounced it. 

Mr. Mitchell. We don't know that, sir. 

Mr. Sheehan. Did not one of the witnesses yesterday state some- 
thing along that line? 

Mr. Mitchell. Yes, at Nuremberg they alleged they discovered it 
much sooner. Dr. Miloslavich said something yesterday to that effect. 
I just wanted to see if this witness had aii}^ information or if he had 
ever imparted that information to the United States Government. 

Colonel SzYMANSKT. No, sir. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. Colonel, I am proud of you as one American to an- 
other, extremely proud for the way you carried on and the things that 
you did against great odds. I am going to give you a little experience 
before I ask you a question to verify the importance of your testimony. 

One of the most thrilling experiences I had when I was elected to 
Congress and sworn in, in 1943, was to be invited to the Polish Em- 
bassy in Washington, at which the guest of honor was General Si- 
korski. He had just come back from Europe after several meetings 
with Stalin on this mission that you describe in your report. I was 
extremely happy to meet him. But I noticed that in our cross-exami- 
nation of him, not once would General Sikorski say anything that 
would even give one the slightest hint that he wanted to give the 
Germans any propaganda value or any military value from the stand- 


])oint of wliat he might say. He "was cautious never to say anything 
that would be favorable to the Germans, politically, militarily, or any 
other way. 

The reason I mention that is that I want to ask you this question : 
In dealing with these Polish officers as a liaison man for the United 
States Army, did you not likewise find that true of all Polish officers 
and all Polish military personnel and the Polish Government all the 
way down the line? They never wanted to give any propaganda 
value to the Germans or give anything to their advantage in this con- 
troversy with the Russians. Did you not find that more or less to 
be true? 

Colonel SzYiMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. In other words, they actually leaned the other way 
in many instances, actually to cover up for the Russians ; not to give 
the Germans any propaganda value. 

Colonel SzYMAxsKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. Because inherently they hated the Germans with 
equal vigor as they did the Russians ; is that not right ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. That is right, sir. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. So any reports coming from the Poles, from the 
Polish Government, from the Polish military personnel, or from Gen- 
eral Sikorski, would not be a prejudiced report. It would be one based 
simply on human justice. 

Colonel SzYMANSKT. That is right, sir. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. I mention that because it brought out the experience 
very, very pointedly for me, because I recall one of the pictures that 
I shall prize for my entire life is the personally autographed picture 
by General Sikorski himself. He was killed shortly after that, much 
to our regret. 

I mention that because it shows that all the way throng this picture, 
the Poles were extremely careful — as a matter of fact, my only criti- 
cism of them would be that they protected the Russians too much. 
They did not want to give Hitler any propaganda value out of any 
controversy they had with the Russians. Therefore, the testimony 
that they gave is not a prejudiced testimony. 

From the gleaning and the very little information we got from 
General Sikorski — in other w^ords, we asked him the question, "How 
are conditions in Russia as regards the Poles?" and his only answer 
was, "Bad, hard." 

Then immediately when we cross-examined him, "What is the con- 
dition? Are they in prison camps? Are you having any trouble 
with Joe Stalin about the treatment by the Russians?" his answer 
was, "I don't care to talk about that. I don't care to talk about that." 
]n other words, you could see that the tendency there was not to 
divulge any information that the Germans might pick up and make 
propaganda out of against the Russians. Do you get my point? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. O'KoNSKi. Judging from his conversation, we sort of got the 
hint that things were not all right. At that time there happened 
to be nine Members of Congress, Americans of Polish descent, who 
had several meetings on it, and we did some digging. We knew in 
1944 that your re])ort was sent in. We knew that other reports were 
being sent in. We tried to get the War Department to give us the 


contents of those reports, but we were immediately clamped down 
with the determination that it is secret. 

We knew so by telephone conversation, and we got letters in writing 
that your report, among other reports, was secret. 

Then, of course, when the thing blew off, they couldn't find it, but 
at first it was top secret. In fact, it was so secret that when they 
wanted it they could not find it. They really made it secret, all right. 

It so happened that we did not want to do very much about 
it, but just to give you an idea of what your reports were up 
against, it so happened that this uprising in Warsaw broke out in 
1944, and the begging and the pleading of the Polish underground 
was, "For God's sake, have mercy on us. Come to our rescue. Come 
to our aid.-' I believe it w^as during the month of July 1944, that 
we made an appointment — we tried to get an appointment with the 
President of the United States to make a plea on behalf of justice for 
the Polish people in Warsaw and all over the world. We could not 
get an appointment with the President, but we did get an appoint- 
ment with our Secretary of State at that time. He graciously saw 
us, and at that time we told him that there were reports available in. 
the War Department and there were reports available in other places; 
in the Government, to show that things were going bad for the Poles. 
It seemed that our conversation was falling on deaf ears, because if 
the Secretary of State heard anything, he heard it between the batch 
of pills that he had on his desk. 

After we saw that we were not getting anywhere, I believe that 
just about every one of us had tears in our eyes. So we said, "In 
the name of mercy and in the name of God, Mr. Secretary of State^ 
will you please convey our message to the President of the United 
States to intervene at least so that the Russians will show a little bit 
of mercy on the Poles in this great crisis?" He said that that mes- 
sage would be conveyed. And the next thing we heard, of course, 
was the Yalta agreement, which meant that our message fell on 
deaf ears. 

In other words. Colonel, our personul intervention clear up to the 
Secretary of State, pointing out to him that these reports were avail- 
able, our personal intervention on the part of Members of Congress, 
did not get anywhere at that time. So do not be disappointed be- 
cause your reports did not get anywhere at that time. 

That is all. 

Mr. Flood. Colonel, I am sure that as a distinguished graduate of 
our Military Academy, and as a distinguished colonel of Infantry, 
the mere fact that you are fortunate enough to have in your veins the 
proud blood of Polish ancestry that you have will not make you a 
prejudiced witness, either as against Russians or as against Germans. 
Is that not correct ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. That is right, sir. 

Mr. Flood. You are a sworn military officer doing your sworn duty. 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. That is right, sir. 

Mr. Flood. Certainly no United States Army colonel of Infantry 
after World War I or World War II could be conceivably classified 
as a friend of the Germans. 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. No, sir. 

Mr. Flood. Colonel, in your wanderings on this mission of yours,^ 
did you ever run into this situation? We have been listening to 


witnesses for several days, and we liave all been intrigued by the 
failure of the Soviet to reply to interro<j:ati()ns directed to their gov- 
ernment from the Poles, from other governments, and from other 
peoples, as to the fate of these prisoners, Polish officers. We have 
been intrigued by the failure of the Russians to participate in the 
German and other recjuests for international investigations. 

We have been advised that from time to time iiupiires were directed 
from various sources, individual, organizational, and governmental, 
to the Soviet Government, asking for infornuition about these miss- 
ing officers. You have heard of that ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Flcod. Did you ever hear that the Vatican addressed an in- 
quiry to the Soviet Ambassador at Istanbul for the same purpose? 

Colonel SzYMAXSKi. No, sir. 

Mr. Flood. That is all. 

Mv. Machrowic'z. I just want to ask a question to correct any im- 
pression that may have been made on the record, either by my cross- 
examiiuition or any other, namely, have you had any instructions 
from your superiors as to what your reaction should be here today ? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Full cooperation, sir. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I want to say that I believe that those instructions 
were given you honestly so. 

Colonel SzYMANsKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I do not want any questions that I have directed 
to you to be any evidence of any lack of faith in the leadership that 
is in the Department of War as it is constituted today. 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. No, sir. I feel very strongly that full co- 
operation has been given. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Because of questions which may arise later, I 
am going to ask you, in the preparation of your reports in 1942 and 
1943, were vou at any time directed by prejudice one way or the 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. No, sir. 

Mr. Machrowicz. At that time did you have any prejudice? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. No, sir. 

Mr. Machrowicz. And they Avere unprejudiced veports? 

Colonel SzYMANSKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I want to join with INIr. O'Konski in telling you 
that I am very proud to have had the oj^portunity to have you as our 
witness, and I would say if we had more people with the foresight that 
you liad in 1942, our country might not be in the |)i'ecai'i()us position 
it is lod;iy. It is easy for us today to look back aiul say what was the 
right thing to do ; but to have had the op])ort unity and the foresight at 
that time to predict things as you did, I think is a great compliment 
to you, and I certainly hope the Army will appreciate that. 

Ml- O'KoxsKi. If you never did anything else in your life, Colonel : 
"In that case Poland has lost the war "and the Allieshave lost the war. 
The choice in Eui-ope is not merely democracy versus Hitler, as so 
many Americans seem to think it is." If you never did anything else 
in your life. Colonel, you have earned the right to be a real American 
on that score. 

Chairman Madden. Are there further questions? 


Colonel Szymanski, you liave liad vast experience as a military 
man. You are a graduate of West Point, You have faithfully car- 
ried out many assignments as a soldier in the United States Army. 
You can certainly be proud of the record you have made in so loyally 
and patriotically and faithfully carrying out your assignments. Your 
testimony here today, even in spite of some of the opinions that were 
existing 10 yeai's ago reveals you had the proper analysis. I know that 
I voice the sentiment of this committee in stating that if the Army 
and the Navy and the marines were composed of all Colonel Szyman- 
skis, there would be no stopping our country in this battle against 

On behalf of the connnittee and the Congress, I want to thank you. 

Mr. Machrowicz. Before we adjourn, could I ask Mr. Korth a 
question ? 

Do I understand that at the meeting Wednesday, you will try to have 
available to us complete information as to what departments, if any, 
these reports have been made available? 

Mr. Korth. That is right, sir, although the deadliue you have set 
is new to me. 

Mr. Machrowicz. I will ask you to make an honest effort 

Mr. Korth. I will, sir. 

Mr. Machrowicz. To get that information to us by Wednesday; 
and, if not by Wednesday, as soon thereafter as possible. 

Mr. Flood. Just one more thing. I concur in these very laudatory 
comments made in connecion with Colonel Szymanski, but may I 
suggest that that part of the record dealing with these commendations 
of Colonel Szymanski be forwarded by the committee to the Adjutant 
General's office and be made part of his file ? 

Mr. Korth. I think it might be well also that the Secretary be in- 
formed of that through your official media. 

Mr. Flood. You know what I mean. 

Chairman Madden. I instruct the counsel to carry that out. 

The committee now stands adjourned. 

(Whereupon, at 5:45 p. m., the hearing was adjourned.) 

Note. — An executive session of the committee was held in Washing- 
ton on March 19, as directed by the chairman during the hearing on 
March 14 in Chicago. At this session the committee was advised by a 
Department of the Army spokesman that the letter written by Colonel 
Szymanski on December 8, 1943, to G-2 and the subsequent cable reply 
sent to Colonel Szymanski by G-2 on December 19, 1943, cannot be 
declassified at this time. Consequently it will not be made a part of 
this record. 

9.S744 O — 52 — pt. 3 20 







LONDYN 1949 

[Translation of Title Page) 








Prepared by 





Opracowania tej ,,Listy Katyriskiej" podj^tem si^ jako jeden 
sposrod znikomej garstki pozostaiych przy zyciu bylych jencow 
obozu Starobielsk. 

Chciatem w ten sposob sptacic Opatrznosci Bozej cz^stk^ d!u- 
gu wdzi^cznosci za wiasne ocalenie, a rownoczesnie oddac t? 
niejako ostatni^ poslug^ tym wszystkim wspoljericom, ktorzy 
tragicznym zrz^dzeniem losu musieli ziozyc swe zycie w ofierze. 

Cztonkom Rodzin zamordowanych i zaginionych moich kole- 
gow - wspoljericow skladam na tym miejscu wyrazy gl^bokiego 

Za ewentuaine omylki, ktorych geneze wyjasnia wst^p. a kto- 
rych unikni^cie w obecnych warunkach bylo niemozliwe, z gory 
najmocniej zainteresowanych przepraszam. 

Na koniec serdecznie dzi^kuj^ tym wszystkim, ktorzy okazali 
mi sw^ pomoc w opracowaniu tej dokumentacji. 

Londyn, w maju 1949 r. 



I have undertaken the task of preparing- this "Kattn 
List" as one of only a handful of survivors among Polish 
prisoners of war interned at Starobielsk. 

In this manner, I hope to repay Providence for sparing 
my life and at the same time give this final service to all 
those fellow prisoners of war who through the tragic 
dictates of fate had paid with their lives. 

To the members of families of my fellow prisoners of 
war who were murdered I offer my deepest condolence. 

I apologize for any mistakes which may have crept into 
this list and wish to call attention to the preface in which 
I explain why it is virtually impossible under prevailing 
conditions to eliminate all errors. 

I also wish to take this opportunity to thank all those 
who have given tireless cooperation toward the completion 
of this list. 

London, May 1949. ADAM MOSZYNSKL 


Lista Katyhska jest uzupetnieniem zbioru dokumentow, kto- 
re zostaly zawarte w ksi^zce pt. „Zbrodnia Katyriska w swietle 
dokumentow" *). 

W rozdziale drugim wymienionej ksi^zki stwierdzono, ze 
w obozach Kozielsk, Ostaszkow i Starobielsk znajdowato si? 
w miesi^cach zimowych 1939/40 okolo 15.000 polskich jericow 
wojennych. Kozielsk liczyl okolo 5.000, Ostaszkow okoio 6 500, 
a Starobielsk okolo 4.000 polskich jencow wojennych. Z ogolnej 
tej ilosci pozostalo przy zyciu okolo 400 jericow, przewiezionych 
do obozu Pawliszczew - Bor, a stamt^d do obozu Griazowiec, sk^d 
we wrzesniu 1941 zostali wypu^zczeni na wolnosc. Jericow z Ko- 
zielska odnaleziono pomordowanych w grobach katyriskich, 
a reszta zagin^la bez sladu, przy czym wszystko wskazuje na 
to, ze zaginionych spotkal ten sam los, co ofiary katyriskie. 

W ten sposob, kto mowi lub pisze o Katyniu, ma w gruncie 
rzeczy na mysli nie tylko te ofiary mordu, ktore w ilosci powy- 
zej* 4.000 odnalezione zostaly w mogilach lasku Katyriskiego 
pod Smoleriskiem, ale ogol zaginionych z wszystkich trzech obo- 
zow, ktorzy od wiosny 1940 r. nie dali o sobie znaku zycia. Lista 
imienna winna przeto obj^c nie tylko bylych jericow kozielskich 
z Katyn'a, a'e wszystkich zaginionych, czyli okolo 15.000 

Ogolne cyfry jericow przebywaj^cych w trzech obozach po- 
chedz^ ze zrodel wiarogodnych i kompetentnych. Opieraj^ si? 
one na informacjach tych jericow kazde'^o z obozow, ktorzy unik- 
n?li likwidacji, i znalezli si? w obozie Pawliszczew - Bor, a na- 
st?pnie Griazo^viec. Juz wtedy rozpoczela si? bowiem pomi?dzy 
jericami, pochodzacymi z trzech obozow zlikwidowanych, i za- 
niepokojonymi losem pozostalych kolegow, wymiana informacji 
na -emat ogolnej ilosci zaginionych. Jak wiadomo, obozy jericow, 
ktort posiadaly nieco odmienn^ organizacj? niz obozy pracy 
przymusowej, czyli tzw. lagry, dopuszczaly jericow w szerszym 
zakresie do wspoladminis^racji obozow. Dlatego tez jericy po- 
siadali konkretne i zrodlowe informacje o ogolnej liczbie miesz- 
karicow zamkni?tyc'i w obozach. Podawane wi?c przez uratowa- 

*) ..Zbrodnia Katyiiska w swietle dokumentow'', z przedmow^ gen. 
Wiadyslawa Andersa, ,,Gryf", Londyn 1948. 

nych jericokv' ogolne cyfry stanow zlikwidowanych obozow mozna 
uwazac za sprawdzone i wiarogodne. 

Zestawienie imiennej listy ogolu zaginionych, kompletnej 
i bezbt^dnej, jest niemozliwe, i odnalezc J4 moznaby chyba je- 
dynie w moskiewskich archiwach NKWD. Lista Katyriska nie 
jest pierwsz^ publikacj^, ani pierwsz^ prac^ polska tego rodza- 
ju. Byly przeprowadzone juz poprzednio — poza spisem niemiec- 
kim „Amtliches Material" — spisy cz^sciowe i mniej zupelne, 
na ktorych lista niniejsza zostala oparta po przeprowadzeniu 
mozliwych i koniecznych poprawek oraz uzupelnieii. 

2r6d}a, na ktorych opiera si^ ponizej oglcszona lista, s^ na- 

WYD. BERLIN 1943— STR. 167 DO 273 — ROZDZIAL IV.: WYKAZ 4143 

Wykaz ogloszony przez Niemcow w . Amtliches Material" 
nie by} alfabetyczny, a nazwiska, imiona, nazwy miejscowosci, 
adresy oraz inne szczegdty podane s^ cz^sto w brzmieniu znie- 
ksztalconym. Lista byla sporz^dzana i ustalana ostatecznie przez 
osoby narodowosci niemieckiej, i to cz^sto moze na podstawie 
znalezionych przy zwlokach dckumentow, wystawionych w okre- 
sie niewoli w j^zyku rosyjskim; procz tego dokumenty te, po 
ekshumacji zwlok znajdowaly si^ cz^sto w stanie daleko id^cego 
zniszczenia. Wszystkie te czynniki zlozyly si§ na omylki i nie- 
prawidlowosci wykazu niemieckiego, ktorych spro-towanie wy- 
magato krytycznej oceny na podstawie innych zrodel, oraz 
uwzgl^dnienia faktu, ze list^ sporz^dzali cudzoziemcy, nie zna- 
j^cy dokladnie j^zyka polskiego, ani brzmienia polskich nazwisk 
i nazw. Procz tego krytyczna ocena listy niemieckiej prowadzic 
musi do jeszcze jednego zastrzezenia: oto mordowane w Katy- 
niu ofiary nie zawsze musialy posiadac przy sobie swoje wlasne 
dokumenty. Jesli na przyklad jedynym dowodem tozsamosci 
byla kartka z nazwiskiem, lub z zaadresowan^ kopert^, albo naz- 
wisko wypisane na notatniku lub kalendarzu, to nie koniecznie 
musialy te dane dotyczyc zwJok, przy ktorych slad ten znalezio- 
no. Niektore, — aczkolwiek bardzo nieliczne, — wypadki tego 
rodzaju zostaly juz stwierdzone, i tak na przyklad wiarogodne 
informacje pozwalaj^ przyj^c, ze Franciszek Biernacki, wlasci- 
ciel ksi^zeczki oszcz^dn. PKO., znalezionej przy zwlokach w Ka- 
tyniu i opublikowanej wsrdd fotografii niemie<;kiego zbioru, 
a zreprodukowanej w ksi^zce „Zbrodnia Katyriska", w rzeczy- 
wistcsci w obozie kozielskim nie byl, ani te'^ nie znalazl smierci 
w Katyniu. Zostalo stwierdzone, ze owa ksi^zeczka oszcz. PKO. 
zostala przez niego pozostawiona w Woiskowym Instytucie Geo- 
graficznym w Warszawie, i nast^pnie przy ewakuacji WIG. 
z Warszawy zostala wywieziona przez innego oficera celem do- 
r^czenia wlascicielowi przy spotkaniu, ktore jednak nie nast^- 
pilo. W ten sposob dokument ow. opiewaj^cy na nazwisko Fr. 
Biernacki, zostal znaleziony w grobach katyriskich przy innym 



Wykaz powyzszy — w porownaniu z niemieckim — jest mniej 
kompletny i koriczy si^ na pozycji 2916. Uklad, kolejnosc po- 
szczegolnych, nie zawsze numerowanych pozycji, a wreszcie 
tresc danych, zawartych w tym wykazie, — pozwalaj^ 
przypuszczac, ze zostal on sporz^dzony przez Polakow pracuj^- 
cych w Katyniu przy ekshumacji zwlok. Nazwiska, adresy i in- 
ne dare zam'.eszczono w wielu wypadkach w brzmieniu rowniez 
znieksztalconym. Numeracja poszczegolnych zwlok nie zawsze 
pokrywa si^ z numeracja „Amtliches Material"; — tak samo 
tresc danych nie jest tazsama, lecz w pewnych wypadkach ob- 
szerniejsza, w innych szczuplejsza; niz w wykazie niemieckim. 
Znajduj^ si^ w tym wykazie pozycje, ktorych w niemieckim spi- 
sie w ogole brak, wzgl^dnie ktorych odpowiedniki oznaczono 
w wykazie niemieckim jako niezidentyfikowane. Wykaz ten oglo- 
szony zostal drukiem anonimowo, najprawdopodobniej w Kraju, 
pod okupacj^ niemieck^. 

KOWYM WSCHODZIE. L. dz. 904'RW/45 z daty Egipt 30. listopa- 
da 1945. 

Lista ta zostala zestawiona na podstawie: a) pisemnych re- 
lacji jericow ocalalych, ktorzy przebywali w jednym z 3 zlikwi- 
dowanych obozow. Relacje te zostaly zlozone w r. 1941 po od- 
zyskaniu wolnosci; b) indj^widualnych zgloszen rodzin, albo 
znajomych zaginionego jerica, opartych na fakcie poprzedniej 
korespondencji z zaginion^ osob^ w okresie pomi^dzy jesieni^ 
1939 a wiosn^ 1940 r. Lista powyzsza zostala zestawiona po- 
cz^tkowo przez ocalalych jericow z pami^ci, a nast^pnie uzupel- 
niano j^ stopniowo, w miar^ napiywu korespondencji z rodzina- 
mi i znajomymi zaginionych. List^. obejmuj^c^ 3848 nazwisk, 
wr^czyli s.p. gen. Sikorski i gen. Anders Stalinowi w czasie roz- 
mowy w dniu 3. grudnia 1941 r., a nast^pnie dodatkow^, uzupet- 
nion^ do cyfry 4518, wr^czyl gen. Anders podczas bytnosci 
u Stalina w dniu 18. marca 1942 r. — Ostatecznie ilosc zesta- 
wionych t^ drog^ nazwisk doszta do okolo 9.000. W rzeczy- 
wistosci cyfra ta byla zwielokrotniona, poniewaz w trosce o to, 
by nikogo nie pomin^c w poszukiwaniach, wpisywano nieraz na 
list^ zaginionych to samo nazwisko w kilku znieksztalconych 
wersjach, tak, jak byiy one przedstawiane przez poszczegolne 
zrodla. Nazwiska te bowiem — podawane z pami^ci, albo kres- 
lone w listach pismem nie dose czytelnym lub wyblaklym, — 
ulegaly nieraz przekr^ceniom. Wykaz powyzszy, jak to juz stwier- 
dzono w 7 wypadkach, w okresie publikowania .,Listy Katyri- 
skiej" na lamach tygodnika „Orzel Bialy", — nie moze uchodzic 
za bezwarunkowo miarodajny. Mog^ bowiem — wyj^tkowo co 
prawda — znalezc si^ w nim nazwiska niewlasciwie w swoim czasie 

tarn zarejestrowane, albo tez nalez^ce wprawdzie do b. jenc6w 
Kozielska czy tez Starobielska, ale z okresu niewoli po maju 
1940 r., ktore to osoby — przewaznie ocalale — w ostatecznosci 
odnalazty si?, czego nast^pnie w wykazie powyzszym nie uwi- 


nieliczne zreszt^, informacje indywidualne, pochodz^ce od 
ocalalych b. jericow jednego z 3 obozow, albo tez od naocz- 
nych swiadkow przeprowadzonej w 1943 r. ekshumacji zwiok 
ofiar mordu w Katyniu, ktore to informacje dostarczono bez- 
posrednio w okresie zestawiania tej Listy. 

WY, — WYD. WARSZAWA 1934. 

Roczniki Oficerskie pozwolily na skontrolowanie, poprawie- 
nie lub odtworzenie brzmienia nazwisk lub imion zaginionych 
w wypadkach, kiedy zostaly one przytoczone w zrodlach w spo- 
sob znieksztaicony albo niezupelny. I tak na przyklad — jesli 
nazwisko lub imi§ byty podane w zrodlach w postaci niescislej 
lub niejasnej, a inne dane cdpowiadaly Rocznikowi Oficerskie- 
mu, mozna bylo sprostowac lub uzupelnic brzmienie, opieraj^c 
si? na danym Roczniku. 

Wymienione powyzej zrodla stanowi^ wszystko to, co w obec- 
nych warunkach jest w tym zakresie osi^galnym. Niemniej 
ogloszenie niniejszej Listy powinno bye punktem wyjscia do dal- 
szego uzupelniania jej. Wykonczenie tej pracy bediie oczywiscie 
mozliwe dopiero w Kraju, i to w Polsce wolnej, kiedy wszystkie 
rcdziny zaginionych jericow b?d^ mialy peln^ swobode zestawie- 
nia nazwisk swoich bliskich, o ktdrych pobycie w latach 39/40 
w Kozielsku, Ostaszkowie lub Starobielsku posiadaly wiadomos- 
ci, — oraz kiedy b^dzie mozna ustalic szcz^sliwe a wyj^tkowe 
wypadki odnalezienia si? osob, uwazanych za zaginione. 

Ogloszenie tej Listy jest wyrazem holdu pami?ci ofiar te- 
go — rzadko spotykanego w dziejach — masowego mordu jeri- 
cow wojennych, i spelnieniem smutnego obow^zku wobec ich 
rcdzin. Lista ta jest rownoczesnie uzupelnieniem materiatu do- 
kumentacyjnego, potrzebnego do aktu oskarzen'a przeciwko mor- 
dercom, ktorzy pozostali dotychczas bezkarni. Jest rzecz^ nas 
Polakotv ten akt oskarzenia przygotowac, i dmagac si? posta- 
wienia zbrodniarzy przed Trybunalem Wolnych Narcdow, ktory 
zbierze si? jeszcze dla ukarania winnych. 

Niniejsze ksi^zkowe wydanie „Listy Katyriskiej" jest dru- 
gim z rz?du, poprawionym i uzupelnionym. Po raz pierwszy 
„Lista Katyriska" byla oglaszana na lamach tygcdnika „OrzeI 
Bialy", poczynaj^c od Nru 41/327 z dnia 9. pazdziernika 1948 r. 


(Translation of Preface written in Polish) 

The Katyn List constitutes an amplification of docu- 
ments which were inchided in the book The Katyn Mas- 
sacre in the Light of Documents. 

In the second chapter of the above-named book it has 
been established that some 15,000 Polish prisoners of war 
were interned in the three camps — Kozielsk, Ostaszkow, 
and Starobielsk — during the winter months of 1939-40. 
There were approximately 5,000 Polish prisoners of war 
in Kozielsk, 6,500 in Ostaszkow^, and approximately 4,000 
in Starobielsk. From this entire group only approxi- 
mately 400 Polish prisoners of war survived who were 
first transferred to the prison camp at Pawliszczew-Bor ; 
then to the camp at Griazowiec, and from there, in Sep- 
tember 1941, this group of 400 finally was liberated. Those 
prisoners of war interned at Kozielsk subsequently were 
found murdered and buried in the Katyn graves. Those 
from the other two camps have disappeared without any 
trace of their whereabouts and all indications point to 
the conclusion that they met with the same fate as those 
Polish prisoners of war whose corpses were found at 

It must follow then, that whoever discusses or writes 
about Katyn, must keep in mind not only those 4,000 
victims whose bodies w^ere found in the graves of the 
Katyn Forest near Smolensk, but a^ of the prisoners in- 
terned at the three camps who disappeared and have given 
no trace that they are alive since the spring of 1940. Of 
necessity, then, this list of names must net only include 
the names of those former prisoners of war interned at 
Kozielsk and subsequently found dead at Katyn, but all 
the names of the 15,000 Poles interned at the three camps. 

The total figure of Polish prisoners of war interned at 
the three camps is based on reliable and competent infor- 
mation. They are based, for the most part, on information 
supplied by those prisoners of war interned in the camps 
who escaped liquidation and found themselves in Pawlisz- 
czew-Bor and later in Griazowiec. Already at these last 
two camps the survivors from the three liquidated camps 


began discussions amongst themselves in an effort to cor- 
rectly establish the total number of Poles interned at the 
three camps. As it is known, these prisoner of war camps 
had a somewhat different organization than the forced 
labor camps commonly known as "Lagers'" and provided 
for considerable self-administration by the prisoners. It 
is because of this that the survivors of the liquidation were 
able to compile definite and concrete information regard- 
ing the number of prisoners interned at the three camps. 
The numbers compiled by these survivors can, therefore, 
be accepted as correct and wholly reliable regarding the 
total number of Poles interned at these three camps. 

A complete and absolutely correct compilation of names 
of all those who disappeared is virtually impossible and 
probably could be accomplished only through a careful 
search of all records in the archives of the NKVW head- 
quarters in Moscow. This book titled The Katyn List is 
neither the first nor the only Polish publication of this 
nature. There have been lists prepared prior to this pub- 
lication. Some of them go beyond the scope of names 
included in the German list titled "Amtliches Material'' — 
which in some instances was less complete than this list but 
nevertheless served as the basis for this report after fur- 
ther checks and corrections were made. 

Sources from which the following list was compiled 
are as follows : 

1) "Amtliches Material Zum Massenmord von Ka- 
tyn — the official material about the mass murders in 
Katyn published in Berlin in 1943, pages 167 to 273, 
Chapter IV, table 4143 of the corpses identified up to 
June 7, 1943. 

The German list of victims was not arranged in alpha- 
betical order ; first names, last names, names of towns, ad- 
dresses, and other details in the German report frequently 
appear to the illegible. This list, it should be remembered, 
was prepared by Germans frequently on the basis of docu- 
ments which were written in Polish or Russian and also 
the German list was prepared on the basis of documents 
found on the corpses which w^ere in an advanced state of 
decay. All of these factors, justifiably account for the 
mistakes included in the German report which was pre- 
pared by people wdio do not know the Polish language and 
do not recognize characteristic signs in Polish names. A 
critical and impartial appraisal of the German list must 
also give consideration to the possibility that there may 
have been cases where documents found on bodies of the 


victims did not necessarily belong; to the corpse they were 
found on. If for instance, identification was based solely 
on the fact that a card or letter or penciled notation on a 
note bore a name, it cannot be taken for (^ranted that this 
was necessarily the name of the victim. This has already 
been demonstrated in some instances although these cases 
were few in number. As an example it can be reliably 
stated that Franciszek Biernacki, whose bank book was 
found on a corpse in Katyn and reproduced in the book 
Katyn Massacre, actually never was in Kozielsk and was 
not murdered in Katyn. 

It has been established that Biernacki's bank book was 
left behind by himself at the Army Geographic Institute 
in Warsaw and that it subsequently had been found by 
another Polish officer at the Institute who took the bank 
book with the hope of giving it to Biernacki if the two 
ever met subse(iuently. This meeting never took place 
and as a result the iDank book bearing Fr. Biernacki's 
name was found on the corpse of another officer. 

2) Report of former members of the Polish Army 
murdered in Katyn by the Bolsheviks identified up to 
June 1, 1943, pages 3 to 35. (This brouchure does not list 
the publisher, the author, nor the date or place of pub- 

The above report is less complete than the German re- 
port and ends with victim No. 2916. The format of this 
document, along with the manner in which the names are 
written plus the order in which the bodies were removed, 
suggests it was prepared by one of the Poles who was sent 
to Katyn to work on the exhumation of the bodies. In 
many instances here, too, the names and other information 
are illegible. The numerical order in which the bodies 
apparently are reported in some instances does not agree 
with the German report. In some instances the additional 
information regarding each corpse is not the same as re- 
ported by the Germans, i. e., frequently, the information 
is more detailed and complete and in others less so. We 
find in this document actual positions of the bodies which 
were not listed in the German report and we find iden- 
tifications for bodies in this list which the Germans re- 
ported as unidentified. This list most probably was 
published anonymously in Poland during the German 

3) Official list of those prisoners who disappeared from 
Kozielsk, Starobielsk, ancl Ostaszkow as prepared by the 
Polish Relief Bureau for Families of Polish Soldiers in 


the USSR. The list has been supplemented with informa- 
tion provided by the Polish Welfare Bureau for Families 
of Polish Soldiers in the Middle P2ast, assembled Nov. 80, 
1945, in Egypt. 

This list was prepared on the basis of information 
gathered from : a) written reports of surviving Polish 
prisoners of war who were interned in one of the three 
liquidated camps. These reports were prepared in 1941 
after their liberation; b) individual reports of families of 
prisoners interned in the three camps based on corre- 
s])ondence they carried on with the prisoners between the 
fall of 1939 and the spring of 1940. The above list was 
prepared first on the basis of memory of those who sur- 
vived liquidation and later by refreshing their recollec- 
tions through letters received from the families inquiring 
about their dear ones. This list of 3,848 was handed to 
Stalin by the late General Sikorski and by General Anders 
during a conference Dec. 3, 1941. An amended and cor- 
rected list bearing 4,518 names was handed to Stalin by 
General Anders on March 18, 1942. Eventually the total 
number of names transmitted to Russian authorities 
through these conferences reached 9,000. This list was 
increased somewhat because of duplications submitted by 
the various sources. Also, because many of the names were 
submitted from memory and others from poorly written 
letters, in some cases the same name was spelled two or 
three different ways and constituted two or three corpses 
when in reality they all involved only one person. There- 
fore this list, which was published in seven installments 
in the publication The White Eagle^ cannot be considered 
conclusive or absolutely correct, because in some instances 
it includes names of prisoners in Kozielsk and Starobielsk 
who were interned at these camps subsequent to May, 1940 
and who have for the most part survived. 

4) Additional reports of reliable persons — This is infor- 
mation from prisoners who survived liquidation from the 
three camps or who participated in the actual exhumation 
and supplied information for the preparation of this list. 

5) Annual reports of the Personnel Division of the 
Ministry of Military Affairs of the Polish Government ; a) 
Annual Report of Officers from 1932 published in Warsaw ; 
b) Annual Report of the Reserve Corps published in War- 
saw in 1934. 

The annual reports of Polish officers permitted me to 
check for the correct spelling of names. Hence, if a name 
was illegible but all the other facts pertaining to the vic- 


tim were, we were able to establish the correct spelling: 
of a name throuoh a careful check of the annual list of 
Polish Officers. 

The above-mentioned sources constitute all of the sources 
so far as is known which may have information pertinent 
to this subject. Publication of this list should afford the 
opportunity to correct further any possible errors un- 
known to the author. The ultiihate completion and cor- 
rection of this list will be possible only in Poland when 
the country is free and when families of the victims are 
permitted to make their full reports in complete freedom 
regarding any correspondence or contact that they have 
had with prisoners interned at Kozielsk, Ostaszkow, or 
Starobielsk, and also when it will be possible to locate any 
survivors now listed among the missing, if any survived. 

Publication of this list is an expression of tribute to the 
memory of those who disappeared in this unprecedented 
mass murder of prisoners of war and an expression of 
condolence to their loved ones. This list furthermore con- 
stitutes a further documentation of material necessary to 
bring an indictment against those guilty for this crime if 
they haven't been brought to the bar of justice as yet. It is 
our duty as Poles to prepare this indictment and seek to 
have the murderers brought before the Tribunal of Free 
Nations, which eventually will be formed to punish the 
guilty ones. 

The following book T'he Katyn List constitutes the 
second publication of an expanded and corrected list. The 
first Katyn List was published in the newspaper White 
Eagle beginning Oct. 9, 1948. 






93744 O— 52— pt. 3 21 

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